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The Tanintharyi Region in southern Myanmar is rich in biodiversity yet is facing threats from varying degrees of anthropogenic pressure. In this research we examine how anthropogenic pressures are influencing large carnivores (tiger Panthera tigris, leopard Panthera pardus and dhole Cuon alpinus) and their major prey species (wild pig Sus scrofa, muntjac Muntiacus spp., sambar Rusa unicolor, gaur Bos gaurus and banteng Bos javanicus) in the Lenya Reserved Forest and adjacent areas of Sundaic forest. We used data from camera-trap surveys during May 2016–March 2018 and logistic regression to analyse the relationships between the presence of large carnivores and explanatory variables such as human disturbance, landscape variability and changes in prey distribution. Tiger presence was positively associated with the occurrence of gaur and distance to villages. The occurrence of prey did not explain the detection of leopards in the study area. We suspect this was because leopards have a broad diet, including arboreal primates, and their prey was not fully recorded in our camera-trap survey. Dholes were positively associated with wild pigs and the total number of prey but not associated with forest type and landscape variables. To restore the carnivore population and conserve the biodiversity of this area, effective protection of predators and habitat management for large ungulates are crucial.
This chapter analyzes different fields of Buddhist constitutionalism in contemporary Myanmar, arguing for expanding the study of Buddhist constitutionalism to include “secular” civil law and the Penal Code, which prima facie promote equality between religious and ethnic groups. Thus, the key regulatory issue at stake is not only sangha affairs, but also the privileging of Buddhism vis-à-vis other religions in a wide array of policies and state law. This broad approach opens up for identifying multiple aspects of Buddhist constitutionalism, such as unwritten or “living” forms of Buddhist constitutionalism, in addition to its political forms and manifestations. This practice of Buddhist statecraft is, however, challenged by ethnic and religious minority communities in Myanmar. After the 2021 military coup, the democratic opposition in its new “Federal Democracy Charter” declared an end to Buddhist constitutional privileges, while the military junta positions itself as the protector of Buddhist constitutionalism as enshrined in the 2008 Constitution.
Urbanization of natural landscapes and increasing human populations have brought people and our companion animals into closer contact with wildlife, even within protected areas. To provide guidance for human–wildlife coexistence, it is therefore critical to understand the effects of anthropogenic disturbances and how well native wildlife species survive in human-dominated landscapes. We investigated the spatio-temporal responses of 10 vertebrate taxa, with an emphasis on the Endangered Eld's deer Rucervus eldii thamin, to anthropogenic disturbances in Shwesettaw Wildlife Sanctuary, Myanmar. We quantified anthropogenic disturbances as distance from human settlements, distance from a highway, and the presence of people and free-ranging dogs Canis familiaris. Anthropogenic disturbances had stronger negative impacts on the detection of native wildlife species than on occupancy. Eld's deer avoided areas close to human settlements and showed low diel activity overlap with both people and dogs, although we found a positive association with human presence at the camera-trap sites. Five species exhibited lower diel activity overlap with people in the rainy season when human activity is the highest in our study area. All studied wildlife species shifted to nocturnal activity or did not show any clear activity pattern during the cool-dry season when the presence of dogs increased. The ecological and conservation impacts of dogs are underestimated in South-east Asia, particularly in Myanmar, and this case study highlights the impacts of dogs on the temporal use of habitat by wildlife and the need for better practices in the management of dogs within protected areas.
Three examples of metastriate hard ticks (Ixodida: Ixodidae) with apparent affinities to modern Australasian genera are described from the mid-Cretaceous (ca. 100 Ma) Burmese amber of Myanmar. Two nymphs of Bothriocroton muelleri sp. nov. represent the oldest (and only) fossil record of this genus, living members of which are restricted to Australia and predominantly feed on monitor lizards, snakes and echidnas. A female of Archaeocroton kaufmani sp. nov. shares its basis capitulum shape with the tuatara tick Archaeocroton sphenodonti (Dumbleton, 1943), the only extant member of this genus and an endemic species for New Zealand. The presence of 2 Australasian genera in Burmese amber is consistent with a previous record of an Ixodes Latreille, 1795 tick from this deposit which resembles Australian members of this genus. They further support an emerging hypothesis that fauna of the amber forest, which may have been on an island at the time of deposition, was at least partly Gondwanan in origin. A revised evolutionary tree for Ixodida is presented compiling data from several new Burmese amber ticks described in the last few years.
This paper examines the impact of investment treaties on the rule of law through a detailed case study of Myanmar. The paper draws on a series of semi-structured interviews with government officials, investment lawyers and foreign advisors to the Myanmar government, as well as an analysis of primary and secondary documents. The findings cast doubt on claims that investment treaties promote good governance and the rule of law. The overall finding is that investment treaties’ effects on domestic governance are primarily mediated through processes within the executive branch of government and that these effects are limited and often ad hoc. Investment treaties have no discernible impact on the judicial system in Myanmar, and little impact on legislation or regulatory rule-making processes.
This chapter examines the relationships between representations and operations of sovereignty in natural resource governance. We advance a ‘political ecology of sovereignty’, examining the participation of non-state actors in resource governance processes. We particularly argue that processes of integrating subaltern populations through mapping local ecological knowledge can modify effective governance practices while nonetheless reproducing the legibility of state sovereign authority and its territorial boundaries. Exploring the Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline in Canada, we suggest that state jurisdictional authority is secured through incorporating Indigenous interests as a delimited geography of tradition. Examining the Hatgyi hydroelectric development along the Thai–Myanmar border, we argue that the territorial boundaries of those nation-states are rearticulated through the governance of this transboundary development. Through these cases, we demonstrate how the insertion of local knowledge works not only to reconfigure effective governance processes but also to reinforce the effect of state sovereignty in new ways.
Sovereignty always relies on a double movement of violence and care. It requires the power to exercise violence as well as the capacity to care, to protect, and to nourish. In the footsteps of Foucault and Agamben, numerous scholars have rediscovered the same paradox in philosophical and legal texts. Anthropologists writing about informal and practical sovereignty pay attention to violence, but sometimes ignore the importance of care for the exercise of sovereignty. Against such tendencies to focus on texts and on violence, this article deals with sovereignty as care. The concrete examples are the relationships of care between commanders, soldiers, and villagers in the Wa State of Myanmar, a de-facto state governed by an insurgent army. In the absence of an effective government bureaucracy, popular sovereignty in this military state relies on a particular logic of personal relations, in which care is central. Subordinates have to care about leaders, whereas leaders are supposed to care for subordinates. Care provides the balance and foil for the exercise of violence, and both are necessary for the exercise of sovereignty. The combination of violence and care in personal relations is scaled up to create “the people” as the subject and object of sovereignty. The article describes the logic of personal relations that allows for the exercise of popular sovereignty in the Wa State and elsewhere.
Regime change often exacerbates ethnic conflict. This article examines the curious case of Myanmar, where a 2021 military coup was met, on the surface, with broad-based resistance across a divided society. An important question that therefore arises is whether, below the surface, this unity also took a more positive form of national solidarity. Were deep ethnic cleavages intensified or alleviated by the 2021 coup? This question bears theoretical relevance for the study of ethnic conflict and has social relevance for a nation marked by a long history of civil war and a recent experience of genocide against Rohingya Muslims. The article engages in a systematic examination of 180 social media posts uploaded in Burmese by key opinion leaders both before and after the coup. A qualitative analysis of major positive and negative themes indicates a shift in attitudes. The quantitative analysis shows that ethnic relations, measured by a change in themes, ratings and virality, improved significantly in the immediate aftermath of Myanmar's 2021 coup.
The dataset introduced in this book includes thousands of Chinese government- financed development projects. This chapter begins to analyze these data at the cross-national level and addresses a basic question: Which types of projects does China finance around the world? We provide a detailed overview of the allocation of Chinese development finance based on key variables such as destination countries, flow types (such as grants, loans, technical assistance, debt forgiveness, or sectors). The dataset enables us to distinguish between Chinese-financed aid and debt, and this distinction reveals that China’s donor-to-banker shift occurred in the 2000s following the implementation of the “Going Out” strategy. More generally, this chapter uses our new dataset to demonstrate the value of separating out aid and debt projects and show how different countries have different experiences receiving Chinese projects. In providing readers with an aerial global view of the “known universe” of China’s international development finance projects since 2000, the chapter also situates China’s development finance in the context of that of other major donors.
What effect did British imperialism in Myanmar have on frogs? And, given that the lives of these small amphibian creatures were rarely ever recorded or preserved in archival collections, how might we find out? Sceptical readers may also wish to take a step back and ask, why should historians even care about their lives? These are unusual questions for a historian to confront, but they are occasioned by the deepening conversation between ecology and history. This paper delves into the ecological impact of colonial rule in Myanmar through the lives of Burmese elephants and the creatures that they lived alongside. In it I argue that the concepts of ‘accumulation’ and ‘cascade’ are useful for enabling historians to apprehend the full extent of the impact of imperialism on the lives of animals.
The Mesozoic is considered as the ‘golden age’ for the diversification of Neuroptera (lacewings), and many unusual lacewing larvae have been discovered in Cretaceous amber. However, little is known about their early evolution because of the rarity of fossils. Herein, we describe a new genus and species, Kuafupolydentes hui gen. et sp. nov., one of the biggest lacewing larvae from the Cretaceous known so far, based on a well-preserved specimen from mid-Cretaceous Kachin amber (99 Ma). The new larva is characterized by its large size, each stylet with eight short and blunt teeth, robust and long antennae, and long and robust legs with continuous tarsus and tibia and enlarged claws. It can be considered as an early representative of the antlion clade, Myrmeleontiformia. We suggest that the new larva is also an ambush predator like extant antlions, but it might have used a different strategy to kill large prey. Some of the morphological characters of K. hui are unknown in any extant lacewings and suggest a greater morphological disparity of Neuroptera during the Cretaceous.
This chapter explores why, in the wake of similar exposure to cyclones, Myanmar experienced catastrophic outcomes in 2008 while Bangladesh and India did not when exposed to similar cyclone risks in the 2010s. I also makes use of within-case analysis to compare Bangladesh and India to themselves in the past when they experienced worse humanitarian outcomes after exposure to severe cyclones.
The devastating cyclone ‘Nargis’ struck the Myanmar coast on the evening of 2 May 2008. Prior to Nargis, no cyclone making landfall in Myanmar had ever been on the list of ‘deadliest tropical cyclones’ in the whole tropical region. Official figures reported that 84,500 people were killed and 53,800 went missing (). Nargis became the eighth-deadliest tropical cyclone in the world, in addition to leaving a huge impact on the social and economic sectors of the country, with an estimated cost of more than 11 trillion kyat (US$8,317,580) in damages.
The effect of climate change is evident when one looks at the case of Nargis, especially upon studying its track. found that the latitude of recurvature of Bay of Bengal storms in the pre-monsoon season had shifted southwards from the latitude of Bangladesh (>20° North) to the latitude of the Myanmar delta area (around 16° North). This latitudinal shift is clearly seen after the 1980s in the decadal average of 850 hPa winds. In addition, the decadal mean sea surface temperature anomalies (SSTA) in the Bay of Bengal for the pre-monsoonal periods clearly show that they have changed from negative to positive, starting from 1980. Furthermore, a maximum positive SSTA centre is observed in the vicinity of Preparis Island, one of the Andaman Islands, from which most storms with a landfall on the Myanmar coast originate. These changes have had a significant impact on the region, as a result.
The high loss of human lives and property during Nargis was due to the high vulnerability of the delta areas associated with both climatic and non-climatic factors. This chapter discusses those factors so as to learn lessons, with a view to reducing the risks in similar disasters in the future. Disaster risk reduction and management will have significant implications for sustainable development in Myanmar.
Although parasitic nematodes in the genera Murshidia and Quilonia (family Strongylidae) are recognized as major gastrointestinal parasites in Asian elephants, they have been poorly studied. Recently, light micrographs of these parasites in Myanmar have been presented, almost 100 years after the original drawings. However, the number of coronal leaflets, a key taxonomic feature of Quilonia species, has not been precisely determined based on light microscopy. The current study aimed to determine the exact number of coronal leaflets in Quilonia renniei specimens from Asian elephants in Myanmar. On the basis of scanning electron micrographs, leaflet number in females (19–20, average 19.7, n = 9) was significantly higher (P < 0.005) than that in males (16–19, average 18.1, n = 8). This compares with 18 coronal leaflets indicated in the original species description. Specimens bearing 19 coronal leaflets were most numerous, followed by those with 20 leaflets. Median-joining network analysis of mitochondrial cytochrome c oxidase subunit I gene sequences with 16 haplotypes from 19 individuals revealed no clear association between parasite populations and the number of coronal leaflets. These results highlight the importance of determining the number of coronal leaflets in the taxonomy of Q. renniei and other related Quilonia species infecting Asian elephants.
The aim of this study was to examine the trade-offs related to the production and consumption of palm oil in Myanmar from a sustainable diets perspective.
Design:
We used an enhanced value chain analysis approach that included semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders; market analyses to assess edible oils in markets and focus groups as well as surveys with consumers to ascertain their perceptions and practices related to edible oils.
Setting:
Four settings in Myanmar (upper income urban; lower income urban; middle-income urban; lower income rural).
Participants:
Key stakeholders (n 12) from government, trade bodies and civil society organisations were included in the interviews. Women from each of the regions participated in four focus groups (n 32), and a convenience sample of male and female consumers participated in the surveys (n 362).
Results:
We found mistrust of the oil sector overall. Poor production practices, leading to low yields, limit the economic viability of oil palm production in Myanmar and contribute to negative environmental (e.g. deforestation) and social outcomes (e.g. land conflicts). Consumers demonstrated low preferences for palm oil as compared with traditional oils from a taste, health and transparency perspective; however, they indicated that its relative low cost led to its purchase over other oils.
Conclusions:
The Burmese example suggests that there may be limited benefits, and significant costs, of investing in palm oil production in regions where there are coordinating disincentives from a sustainable diets perspective. However, if oil palm cultivation is to continue, there are opportunities to improve its economic viability and environmental sustainability.
Studying the history of animals in colonial Myanmar is a project that reveals new understandings of the impact of British imperialism, necessitating historians to attend to both the material and cultural transformations in the colony. However, studying animals and colonized people throws up two challenges to the historian. First, how can we recover the historical experiences of both within the same analytical frame. Second, how can postcolonial and post-humanist animal studies be integrated. This introduction offers an approach to studying interspecies relations as way of addressing these issues.
In this article, we reorient the literature on colonialism and ethnic violence by exploring how different types of communalizing colonial policy (CCP) affected postcolonial patterns of ethnic warfare. We hypothesize that CCPs have limited or mixed effects when they simply recognize or empower communities but that they promote ethnic warfare when explicitly favoring some communities over others, especially when this discrimination affects the power of communities. To test these hypotheses, we combine a statistical analysis of the British Empire with a focused case study of Myanmar. We find that two relatively non-discriminatory CCPs—the use of communal census categories and high levels of indirect rule—had limited or mixed effects on postcolonial ethnic warfare. Unequal communal representation in the legislature and security forces and a mixed use of indirect rule, on the other hand, are three highly discriminatory CCPs, and we provide evidence that they increased the odds of postcolonial ethnic warfare.
Animals were vital to the British colonization of Myanmar. In this pathbreaking history of British imperialism in Myanmar from the early nineteenth century to 1942, Jonathan Saha argues that animals were impacted and transformed by colonial subjugation. By examining the writings of Burmese nationalists and the experiences of subaltern groups, he also shows how animals were mobilized by Burmese anticolonial activists in opposition to imperial rule. In demonstrating how animals - such as elephants, crocodiles, and rats - were important actors never fully under the control of humans, Saha uncovers a history of how British colonialism transformed ecologies and fostered new relationships with animals in Myanmar. Colonizing Animals introduces the reader to an innovative historical methodology for exploring interspecies relationships in the imperial past, using innovative concepts for studying interspecies empires that draw on postcolonial theory and critical animal studies.
This chapter presents the book’s third case study, exploring how state transformation shapes China’s international development financing (DF) policymaking and implementation. DF is often seen as an instrument of economic statecraft, strategically deployed to advance China’s geopolitical interests. Contrarily, we show that authority and policymaking is fragmented and contested among central agencies, producing weak oversight for implementing state-owned enterprises, which have primarily pecuniary motives and scant regard for official Chinese diplomatic goals. DF projects thus emerge not from a ‘top-down’ strategy but in a ‘bottom-up’ way, reflecting the agency of buccaneering SOEs and recipient-country elites. The outcomes of DF projects – and whether they benefit China’s international relations – depend on how the specific interests on both sides intersect, as we show through comparative case studies of hydropower development in Cambodia and Myanmar. In Cambodia, Chinese DF was managed by a dominant-party regime in ways that bolstered its domination, generating warmer ties with Beijing. In Myanmar, however, socio-political fragmentation meant that similar projects exacerbated social conflict and even sparked renewed civil war, prompting a crisis in bilateral relations.
This chapter presents the book’s second case study: Chinese efforts to manage ‘non-traditional’ security issues in the Greater Mekong Subregion. It focuses on the challenges of illegal narcotics and associated criminal activity, particularly banditry on the Mekong river, to which China has become more exposed through its ‘reform and opening up’. Contrary to widespread assumptions that ‘Westphalian’ China is leery of undermining sovereignty, we show that Chinese agencies have actually moved to tackle these problems at source by sponsoring opium-substitution programmes and transboundary law-enforcement projects in Laos and Myanmar. The outcomes of these interventions depend on how Chinese party-state transformation dynamics interact with socio-political conflicts in these target states. On the Chinese side, opium-substitution has been hijacked by local cadre-capitalists in Yunnan province, skewing implementation towards their sectional interests. This has intersected with predatory social relations in Myanmar and Laos to undermine drug-suppression efforts. Conversely, Chinese central government agencies have had greater success in corralling neighbouring counterparts into a transnational policing network, recently cemented into a new international organisation, the Lancang-Mekong Law Enforcement and Security Centre.