Volume 1 of The Cambridge History of Global Migrations documents the lives and experiences of everyday people through the lens of human movement and mobility from 1400 to 1800. Focusing on the most important typologies of preindustrial global migrations, this volume reveals how these movements transformed global paths of mobility, the impacts of which we still see in societies today. Case studies include those that arose from the demand for free, forced, and unfree labor, long- and short-distance trade, rural/urban displacement, religious mobility, and the rise of the number of refugees worldwide. With thirty chapters from leading experts in the field, this authoritative volume is an essential and detailed study of how migration shaped the nature of global human interactions before the age of modern globalization.

Volume 1 of The Cambridge History of Global Migrations documents the lives and experiences of everyday people through the lens of human movement and mobility from 1400 to 1800. Focusing on the most important typologies of preindustrial global migrations, this volume reveals how these movements transformed global paths of mobility, the impacts of which we still see in societies today. Case studies include those that arose from the demand for free, forced, and unfree labor, long- and short-distance trade, rural/urban displacement, religious mobility, and the rise of the number of refugees worldwide. With thirty chapters from leading experts in the field, this authoritative volume is an essential and detailed study of how migration shaped the nature of global human interactions before the age of modern globalization.

India’s federal structure is unsuited to the localized demands of climate governance. It is highly centralized, with a federal government that enjoys fiscal, bureaucratic, and jurisdictional powers greater than in more classical, decentralized federations. Indian states, however, are responsible for several areas crucial to climate action, from water and health to the emissions-intensive electricity sector. This makes elaborate forms of cooperation between the two levels essential. In this chapter, we show that the federal system has organically begun evolving some institutions and practices to keep up with the demands of climate change, including climate-specific financing and capacity flowing from the centre to the states, and instances of bottom-up experimentation and learning. But these developments are uncoordinated and lack strategic direction; policies appear and fade away with regularity, unpegged to long-term goals or a plan to rectify top-heaviness in Indian climate federalism.

Nationalist ideas on the economy went global in the late nineteenth century, affecting policy in Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Ireland, India, Russia, the Ottoman Empire and Japan. In general, policy makers considered closing the gap with Great Britain to be of paramount importance. This aided the spread of Listian ideas. However, these ideas were transformed by local conditions in the countries they impacted. Developmental approaches worked better if they could be tethered to indigenous ideas, as was the case in Japan. In Germany, Listian was transformed into an aggressive ideology of territorial expansion and national struggle. In colonial India and Ireland, opposition to British rule and the necessity of public mobilisation meant that industrialist ideas were supplemented with agrarian interests. In multi-ethnic locations, such as the Russian, Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires, isolationist approaches came to the fore as nationalists looked to build ethnically homogenous economies separate from those of other nationalities.

China continued its developmental approach after joining the World Trade Organisation in 2001. However, the policy of Xi Jinping also attempted to achieve self-sufficiency in high-tech products through an active industrial policy. This triggered a protective response from China’s trading partners, including India, the United States and Europe. This is one reason for the trend of the 2000s and 2010s towards isolationist approaches. The second factor is the return of populism, which spread not only to high income regions, such as the Britain, Germany, Hungary and the United States, but also to poorer countries, such as Bolivia. In these countries, nationalists from both the left and right wing of the political spectrum blamed rising domestic inequality on global integration. Amplified by the coronavirus pandemic and rising migration induced by military conflicts, populists promoted international decoupling.

Humanity’s ascent into space began in 1929 when the German Army tested its first rocket, the A-1. But while militaries have always accounted for a large portion of human space activity, their use of the space environment has been constrained by a mutual self-interest in preserving access to it for communications, navigation, reconnaissance, weather forecasting, arms control verification and early warning. In 1962, the ‘Starfish Prime’ nuclear test demonstrated that nuclear explosions in space pose a major and indiscriminate threat to satellites. This prompted the United States and the Soviet Union to negotiate the 1963 Limited Test Ban Treaty, which prohibits nuclear tests in space. This chapter addresses such tensions between the expansion of military capabilities in space and the need to keep space free of direct conflict. The chapter highlights the growing need for a treaty to ban the testing of ‘kinetic’ anti-satellite weapons, i.e. weapons that rely on violent impacts to destroy a satellite and thus create space debris. Although Russia tested such a weapon in November 2021, the very next month the United Nations General Assembly created an ‘Open Ended Working Group on Reducing Space Threats through Norms, Rules and Principles of Responsible Behaviours’. The chapter concludes with an examination of the potentially destabilising effects of an imminent extension of military activities to cis-lunar space, the region between Earth and the Moon, including special Moon–Earth orbits.

In South Africa in the 1990s Prof. Robert Pattinson asked the minister of health to establish a CEMD based on the UK model. The first Report appeared in 1998. During the AIDS epidemic the president and officials were denialists and tried to alter the Reports. The Enquiry developed a system to report 'great saves'. Politicians were supportive and maternal mortality fell to 97/100,000 in 2019. In India, Dr VP Paily is the coordinator of Kerala’s Confidential Review of Maternal Deaths. The KFOG was founded in 2002 and the Review began in 2003, stimulated by the WHO. The government authorised hospitals to give the KFOG anonymised records of maternal deaths. Quality standards were developed, helped by NICE International. In 2019 the maternal mortality rate was 28/100,000. In the USA Prof. Elliott Main is the medical director of the California Maternal Quality Care Collaborative (CMQCC), established when mortality rose in the 2000s. It produced toolkits to tackle the leading causes and in 2012 established the Maternal Data Center, combining social and hospital data. Severe maternal morbidity is scrutinised. Mortality fell and similar initiatives have spread across the USA.

This chapter articulates the central argument (why a new legal form for social enterprises in India, Malaysia, Hong Kong, and Singapore is needed and what it should entail); explains why the four Asian jurisdictions are selected as case studies; and examines the purposes of social enterprises and their two main business models. The chapter then provides an overview of social enterprises in the four Asian jurisdictions including: their operating domains, the drivers of the development of social enterprises, the challenges faced by them, the three main conflicts of interests afflicting them, and the legal forms used by social enterprises. Importantly, the chapter shows that the legal forms available to or used by social enterprises in the four Asian jurisdictions are unable to properly address the conflicts of interests, and thus, a new legal form is required.

The Conclusion carries the book’s arguments forward in time, considering what became of Persianate modernity in the second half of the twentieth century. It is an invitation for scholars of regions and time periods beyond the scope of this book to take up Persianate modernity as a useful framework for analyzing the role of the Persianate heritage in the making of modernity, not only in Iran and South Asia, but in Afghanistan, the erstwhile Ottoman territories, Central Asia, and elsewhere.

Rushdie’s autobiographical writing has detailed his early career, his life in hiding during the fatwa after 1989, and his re-emergence into public life since 1998. Joseph Anton requires particular attention not only because of its narrative voice in the third person but also because of its appropriation of both biographical and fictional devices in an attempt to tell ‘as much truth as possible’ about his private self, Salman, who is masked under the public image of Rushdie. Reading Joseph Anton alongside other notable biographical works on Rushdie, namely J. Weatherby’s Salman Rushdie: Sentenced to Death, Steven Grandison’s The Satanic Verses 30 Years On, and BBC Imagine’s semi-biographical documentary Fatwa: Salman’s Story, this chapter sheds light on the complex interplay of fiction, fact, ‘truth’, and the literary constructions of self, society, and the world in Rushdie’s work.

This chapter explores the wider context of Salman Rushdie’s engagement with the process of writing history and how his novels respond to specific cultural and historical moments to reveal the complex public debates around the status of history into which Rushdie intervenes. Because Rushdie studied history at university, it is not surprising that his work is deeply embedded in discussing historical thinking and historiography. This is especially related to the history of colonialism and India’s struggle for independence, as well as notions and experiences of migration. In addition he challenges western conceptions of historiography and revisits the Mughal and medieval Islamicate world in ways that explicitly emphasize connections from Persian texts to European intellectual thought. And in many of his novels, including Midnight’s Children, Shalimar the Clown, and The Enchantress of Florence, he consciously plays with how history is produced.

This chapter considers the wider contexts of secularism in relation to Salman Rushdie’s novels. It delineates different conceptions of secularism with which Rushdie is preoccupied. Midnight’s Children, The Moor’s Last Sigh, and Shalimar the Clown are especially concerned with the notion of the syncretic and secular ideal of the Indian nation, championed by Nehru and the Indian National Congress at independence. It is the concerted dismantling of this postcolonial settlement and the Nehruvian vision of the nation at independence, and the replacement of this founding myth with an exclusionist nationalist narrative, that Rushdie critiques in these novels. This chapter also delineates the wider contexts with which Rushdie engages to chart the decline of Indian secularism and the syncretic concept of the Indian nation. It furthermore considers debates of secularism in relation to western definitions and how these feature in novels such as Two Years Eight Months and Twenty-Eight Nights. These intersections open up complex ideological debates around rationality, faith, and religion, central to much of Rushdie’s works.