The study primarily focuses on analyzing married women’s attitudes towards negotiating safer sex in two contexts. The first context is when a woman refuses to have sex with husband if she knows her husband has a sexually transmitted disease (STD) and the second is when she does so if she knows he has sex with other women. The study examined predictors of Indian women’s attitude towards negotiating safer-sex using data on 92,306 ever married women from the state module of the 2015-16, National Family Health Survey 4. Descriptive and multilevel logistic regression was used to understand the interplay between the attitude towards negotiation of safer sexual relationships with husband and the selected background characteristics with a primary focus on controlling behaviour and power relations. About 17% of women did not believe in negotiating safer sexual relations with the husband. An approximately equal proportion of ever-married women (79% each) believed in doing so under the two specific conditions, that is, if they knew the husband had an STD and they knew he had sex with other women. Multilevel regression analysis showed that women who had household decision-making power [AOR=0.71; p<0.01] and those whose husbands displayed low control towards them [AOR=0.91; p<0.05] were more likely to believe in negotiating safer-sex. Our findings suggest that women who have controlling partners or those who live under the umbrella of the husband’s authority lack the power to negotiate for safer sex. Interventions promoting sexual well-being must deal with negative male perceptions and expectations that perpetuate unhealthy sexual habits and marriage ties.

Burma, or Myanmar as it was renamed in 1989, is largely ignored within the discipline of South Asian Studies, despite its cultural, religious, economic, and strategic significance for the wider worlds of Asia. Burma is often studied either in isolation or alongside Southeast Asian countries such as Thailand, Vietnam, and Malaysia, despite its equally important historical and cultural connections to communities, states, and networks across what is now India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, or Nepal. In this Roundtable, four scholars of South Asia discuss Burma's erasure within the discipline, the origins and limitations of traditional area studies frameworks, and the possibilities afforded by Burma's inclusion within a more expansive conception of South Asia.

The role of household structure, especially the mother-in-law (MIL) influencing daughter-in-law’s maternal health care (MHC) seeking behaviour, has been a continuing debate due to the former’s advantageous position in the household. This study assesses the association of household structure and particularly the presence of MIL with MHC utilisation in India using the National Family Health Survey-4 data (2015-16). The sample of women aged 15-49 years who have given birth during the last five years preceding the survey (n=184,641) was considered for analysis. The outcome variables were full-antenatal care, institutional delivery, and postnatal care. Binary logistic regression was used to check the adjusted effects of the household structure on MHC utilisation. The analyses were done with STATA (version 13) with a significance level of 5%. Adjusting the effects of socio-demographic and economic characteristics, women from non-nuclear households with MIL had higher odds of full-antenatal care (OR= 1.04, CI= 0.99-1.08) and institutional delivery (OR=1.05, CI=1.01- 1.10) than their counterparts from nuclear households. Women from non-nuclear households without MIL had lower chances of postnatal care (OR=0.98, CI=0.96-1.00) than those from nuclear households. The study unearths a very weak association between the presence of MIL in the household and MHC services utilisation of the daughter-in-law, a notable change from the earlier literature often portraying MIL as a barrier.

This article is about the experiences of three Chinese men who were involved in smuggling between India and China during the Second World War. Chen Mengzhao's rise as a leading figure in India-China smuggling in Calcutta uncovers the hidden links between the black markets in India and China during the Second World War. Gao Wenjie disguised himself as a Chinese army officer and utilized this fake identity to facilitate his smuggling business. Wang Li-an was sent to Calcutta to undertake smuggling for a Chinese government department. In telling these stories, this article argues that most smuggling in modern India and China was undertaken in transnational contexts that resulted in transnational effects. Ironically, the Nationalist government's state-building project to contain India-China smuggling ended by facilitating it. This project was further perceived by the British authorities as a Chinese conspiracy against India's sovereignty. The misunderstanding between the Chinese and British authorities led to the end of Chinese immigration to India in 1945. Overall, this article provides a new perspective to make sense of the tensions between the Chinese, Indian, and British governments during the Second World War.

The exponential increase in population and economic activities has led to the intensification of agriculture and aquaculture in developing countries. The Green Revolution in the 1960s and Blue Revolution in the 1980s were giant steps in this direction to meet the food demand of the burgeoning population. It resulted in the increased use of modern technology for the intensification of agriculture and aquaculture in India. However, coping with the ever-increasing demand for food has adversely impacted our environment. Hence, it is imperative that we explore sustainable practices that enable us to produce more food without compromising environmental integrity and human health. Integrated rice-fish farming is one such solution that optimizes use of resources, maintains sustainable environmental conditions and provides socio-economic stability to the farmers. This review summarizes the various integrated rice-fish cultivation systems practiced in India including traditional practices, their importance, recent development in this area and the existing challenges.

This article will examine state intervention in the lives of tigers and people living in and around Panna Tiger Reserve in Madhya Pradesh, Central India. It explores how, over a decade after a reintroduction project rebuilt the tiger population from extinction and the central government launched a new compensation scheme to relocate villagers away from the national park, relocated tigers and not-yet relocated villagers resist and challenge conservation interventions to eradicate human life in Panna Tiger Reserve and (re)construct it as a wild tiger landscape. It will show how discourses of conservation and development that motivate state intervention seek to depoliticize and obfuscate programmes of control over human and tiger lives through their separation and purported ‘care’, contiguous with colonial policies and discursive practices that have intertwined the fate of wild animals and forest-dependent villagers in this part of India. In their feral subversions against these interventions, relocated tigers and not-yet relocated villagers expose the problematic contradictions and tensions that plague animal management, wildlife conservation, and rural development in India today. Based on 15 months of ethnographic fieldwork, the article draws on case studies and accounts from communities living around Panna Tiger Reserve to present alternatives to colonial and post-colonial discursive legitimizations of state intervention and control, revealing alternate understandings of the entanglement of humans and animals and the categories of ‘wild’ and ‘tame’.

Developmental adversities early in life are associated with later psychopathology. Clustering may be a useful approach to group multiple diverse risks together and study their relation with psychopathology. To generate risk clusters of children, adolescents, and young adults, based on adverse environmental exposure and developmental characteristics, and to examine the association of risk clusters with manifest psychopathology. Participants (n = 8300) between 6 and 23 years were recruited from seven sites in India. We administered questionnaires to elicit history of previous exposure to adverse childhood environments, family history of psychiatric disorders in first-degree relatives, and a range of antenatal and postnatal adversities. We used these variables to generate risk clusters. Mini-International Neuropsychiatric Interview-5 was administered to evaluate manifest psychopathology. Two-step cluster analysis revealed two clusters designated as high-risk cluster (HRC) and low-risk cluster (LRC), comprising 4197 (50.5%) and 4103 (49.5%) participants, respectively. HRC had higher frequencies of family history of mental illness, antenatal and neonatal risk factors, developmental delays, history of migration, and exposure to adverse childhood experiences than LRC. There were significantly higher risks of any psychiatric disorder [Relative Risk (RR) = 2.0, 95% CI 1.8–2.3], externalizing (RR = 4.8, 95% CI 3.6–6.4) and internalizing disorders (RR = 2.6, 95% CI 2.2–2.9), and suicidality (2.3, 95% CI 1.8–2.8) in HRC. Social-environmental and developmental factors could classify Indian children, adolescents and young adults into homogeneous clusters at high or low risk of psychopathology. These biopsychosocial determinants of mental health may have practice, policy and research implications for people in low- and middle-income countries.

Representation frequently links state politics to policy. Current research, however, overlooks the interplay between bureaucratic and legislative representation and how local representation may be influenced by state policy environments. There is also a need to test current theories of state politics and policy, driven by the study of US federalism, in different national contexts to indicate how general such theories might be and to provide new insights into the study of US politics and policy. This article studies how gender representation and local policy implementation interacts with state environment factors to affect representation outcomes in K–12 education across 28 states in India. The research points to the generalizability of current theories of representation and state politics across national federal contexts, the conditional nature of the influence of bureaucratic representation on state policy implementation, and the need to better understand the interdependence of representation across political institutions.

This article provides a systematic examination of the role of security considerations in shaping mass preferences over international economic exchange. The authors employ multiple survey experiments conducted in the United States and India, along with observational and case study evidence, to investigate how geopolitics affects voters’ views of international trade. Their research shows that respondents consistently—and by large margins—prefer trading with allies over adversaries. Negative prior beliefs about adversaries, amplified by concerns that trade will bolster the partner's military, account for this preference. Yet the authors also find that a significant proportion of the public believes that trade can lead to peace and that the peace-inducing aspects of trade can cause voters to overcome their aversion to trade with adversaries. This article helps explain when and why governments constrained by public opinion pursue economic cooperation in the shadow of conflict.