Brazil has changed its negotiation strategy in World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations. In the first half of the WTO era (1995–), Brazil adopted a strong developing country leadership role as coordinator and spokesperson of the G20 group of developing countries. More recently, however, this group has disappeared from the negotiation scene. This article examines how Brazil has departed from a 2000 status quo and arrived at a more flexible approach, less reliant on the industrialized-developing divide as a structuring principle of its diplomacy. Using WTO negotiation documents, trade delegate interviews, dispute settlement case law, and secondary literature, I outline the contours of new directions in Brazilian trade policy. These include joint legislative initiatives with the EU, a move towards the plurilateral level on non-traditional issues, a greater heterogeneity of dispute settlement targets, and a newly flexible handling of its rights under the WTO's special and differential treatment status. The article contributes to ongoing debates on Brazil's status in international affairs, its reliance on large coalitions, and the maintenance of followership as key directives of its foreign policy, and scholarship that sees Brazil as stuck in a ‘graduation dilemma’.

To analyse the association of socio-demographic and health factors with vitamin D insufficiency and 25-hydroxyvitamin D (25(OH)D) concentration in Brazilian children aged 6–59 months. Data from 8145 children from the Brazilian National Survey on Child Nutrition (ENANI-2019) were analysed. The serum concentration of 25(OHD)D was measured using a chemiluminescent immunoassay. The prevalence of vitamin D insufficiency (25(OH)D < 50 nmol/l) and 95 % CI was calculated. Logistic and linear regression models were used to identify the variables associated with vitamin D insufficiency and serum 25(OH)D concentrations, respectively. The mean 25(OH)D concentration was 98·6 ± 36·0 nmol/l, and 4·3 % of the children presented vitamin D insufficiency. Children aged 6–23 months (OR = 2·23; 95 % CI 1·52, 3·26); belonging to Southeast (OR = 5·55; 95 % CI 2·34, 13·17) and South (OR = 4·57; 95 % CI 1·77, 11·84) regions; the second tertile of the National Wealth Score (OR = 2·14; 95 % CI 1·16, 3·91) and winter (OR = 5·82; 95 % CI 2·67, 12·71) and spring (OR = 4·84; 95 % CI 2·17, 10·80) seasons of blood collection were associated with a higher chance of vitamin D insufficiency. Female sex (β = −5·66, 95 % CI − 7·81, −3·51), urban location (β = −14·19, 95 % CI −21·0, −7·22) and no vitamin D supplement use (β = −6·01, 95 % CI −9·64, −2·39) were inversely associated with serum 25(OH)D concentration. The age of children and the Brazilian geographical region of household location were the main predictors of vitamin D insufficiency. In Brazil, vitamin D insufficiency among children aged 6–59 months is low and is not a relevant public health problem.

Este artigo busca compreender o legado autoritário brasileiro e sua relação com os recentes episódios de censura às artes. Para tal, o estudo realiza um levantamento das produções culturais censuradas e/ou alvo de ataques de grupos conservadores no período entre junho de 2017 e março de 2020. Foram consideradas as produções que se enquadraram em três critérios: foram alvo de ação conservadora de julgamento ou criminalização da arte; tiveram repercussão nacional na mídia mainstream; envolveram reação e/ou mobilização em defesa das manifestações artísticas. Argumentamos que o atual cenário de ruptura democrática aflorou o passado autoritário do país, o que contribuiu por desencadear diversos episódios de censura. Partimos dos conceitos de autoritarismo, censura e liberdade de expressão aliados à análise de conteúdo para empreender tal reflexão.

The success of translocation as a management tool is based on reversing the factors that led to a population becoming threatened or locally extinct. We assessed whether translocating a jaguar Panthera onca into the surroundings of a protected area in the Brazilian Atlantic Forest with a resident jaguar population was effective. We captured a male jaguar in an urban area where there were no substantiated previous records of jaguars. In the capture area only one predation event had been recorded, when the jaguar killed several chickens a few days before capture. After capture we translocated the jaguar to a forested area 240 km from the capture site, adjacent to the Rio Doce State Park. To investigate whether the potential geographical origin of the individual was any nearby fragment of the Atlantic Forest or nearby fragments of the Cerrado ecoregion, we genotyped it for 12 microsatellite loci and compared the results to a database developed previously. We fitted the jaguar with a GPS/VHF collar from which we recovered 2.5 months of data. Post-release monitoring with camera traps indicated the jaguar established residence within the region of the Park and we recorded no events of predation on livestock. The genetic analysis indicated that the jaguar resembled individuals from the Inner Atlantic Forest, Cerrado and Amazon. Translocation was an important tool for avoiding potentially negative interactions between the jaguar and local people, and may have benefitted the jaguar population at the release site.

A growing body of literature has focused on how different states continuously “make race” by legitimizing certain racial categories while invisibilizing others. Much less has been written on the actual processes of transforming race into a bureaucratic category when implementing antiracist public policies. This article focuses on the recent use of verification commissions to validate the racial self-identification of potential beneficiaries of racial quotas at federal higher education institutions in Brazil. We argue that through their choices, particularly through their definition of what race is, of who can see race, and of how to see race, these commissions are transforming not only understandings about affirmative action’s aims but also understandings of race. The study focuses on three potential consequences of commission practices for Brazilian racial boundaries: the disciplining of racial identifications, the decontextualization of race, and the individualization of racial injustice.

The article aims to answer the following question: how is it possible that in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, as a series of daily activities were suspended in the name of preserving life, police violence has not only continued but worsened in the United States and in Brazil? We argue that racism structures social relations both in the United States and in Brazil, functioning as an essential activity of states that remain involved in the production of different types of physical and symbolic death even amidst the Covid-19 pandemic. Contrary to mainstream International Relations, which narrates its central categories – such as the state – as neutral and non-racialised, we will draw attention to the racial origin of the state and its institutions, such as the police. This article aims to look at these two contexts, Brazil and the United States, in a crossed way. This analysis is only possible because, despite the heterogeneity of the two scenarios, we understand that racism is constitutive of global order and of the institutions that sustain its unfair and unequal character.

Spix’s Macaw Cyanopsitta spixii is one of the most endangered Neotropical Psittacidae species. Extinct in the wild in the year 2000, in June 2022 the first cohort of C. spixii was reintroduced to its original habitat. For a successful reintroduction of the species, it is necessary to examine the viability of the population against natural and external threats and the environmental requirements for success. Thus, this paper presents a “Population Viability Analysis” (PVA) for Spix’s Macaw. It used the Vortex and RangeShiftR software, biological and environmental data from a bibliographic survey, and information provided by the field team responsible for the reintroduction of the species, and who work directly with the species in captivity. We found that the minimum viable population (MVP) for reintroduction of the species is 20 individuals. However, considering the impact of disease, drought, hunting, and illegal trafficking, this population can only persist if the release of individuals from captivity occurs annually over the next 20 years combined with the reforestation of natural habitat to support population growth.

In the Spanish monarchy, corporations, religious orders, and other petitioners kept procurators in Madrid to lobby the royal councils on their behalf. Drawing on an efficient network of information, the Madrid-based Jesuit procurators were known for their insistence on solving the financial and personnel needs of several missions throughout the New World. This article analyzes a series of petitions composed by Antonio Ruiz de Montoya in the late 1630s on behalf of Jesuit missions in Paraguay. These missions had been harassed by Portuguese slavers, who captured tens of thousands of natives in this region. Ruiz de Montoya's petitions reveal that the Jesuits’ lobbying actions had a much greater impact than has been assumed. Far from confining themselves to asking for material and human resources for the missions, the Jesuits proposed that the Spanish crown make a large-scale intervention in the administration of Portuguese domains in the South Atlantic, a program that Madrid would have implemented were it not for Portuguese independence in 1640.

This research note assesses participatory health governance practices for HIV and AIDS in Brazil. By extension, we also evaluate municipal democratic governance to public health outcomes. We draw from a unique dataset on municipal HIV/AIDS prevalence and participatory health governance from 2006–17 for all 5,570 Brazilian municipalities. We use negative binomial regression and coarsened exact matching with treatment effects to estimate the influence of community health governance institutions on HIV/AIDS prevalence. Municipalities with participatory health councils experience 14% lower HIV/AIDS prevalence than other municipalities, all else equal. Family Health Program coverage, municipal state capacity, and municipal per capita health spending are also associated with systematically lower HIV/AIDS prevalence. We conclude that participatory health governance may combat HIV and AIDS through municipal spending, education, and community mobilization. Municipal health councils can facilitate these strategies and offer opportunities for improving well-being around the world.

The bush dog Speothos venaticus is a highly social Neotropical canid categorized globally on the IUCN Red List as Near Threatened, as Vulnerable in Brazil and as Critically Endangered in Minas Gerais, south-eastern Brazil, and the Atlantic Forest as a result of human pressure. As part of the monitoring of this mammal, during January 2019–March 2020 we placed one camera trap in each of 22 forest fragments in various landscapes in 15 municipalities in the state of Minas Gerais and one municipality in the state of Rio de Janeiro. On average, each camera trap was active for 4.3 months in each fragment. In a total of 2,856 trap-days we obtained the first record of S. venaticus in south-eastern Minas Gerais, c. 2 km from Serra de Santa Rita Mítzi Brandão Biological Reserve. This is the northernmost record of S. venaticus in the Atlantic Forest and highlights the importance of forest remnants in a fragmented landscape for this species. Further monitoring of this area should be a priority, to increase knowledge regarding the distribution of this species and for developing conservation strategies appropriate to these fragmented landscapes.

Two competing narratives characterize the role of race in Brazil’s 2018 election. Journalists observe that Jair Bolsonaro “entranced” nonwhite voters while “insulting them.” Scholars argue that Bolsonaro politicized race, costing him nonwhite support. In contrast, this article argues that racialized patterns of voter behavior were not distinct from those in recent general elections, and that voters’ electoral choices varied within as well as between racial categories. This study incorporates recent findings on racial subjectivity in Brazil, which emphasize the interaction of racial identification and educational status in shaping racial consciousness. Survey data show that racial differences are driven by highly educated black voters, who are least likely to support Bolsonaro compared to educated white voters and more likely to support leftist candidates. By incorporating findings on racial subjectivity into theoretical predictions and leveraging the 2018 election, this study identifies conditions in which racial identification operates to shape electoral behavior.

Studies show that cash transfer programs increase incumbent approval through their financial impact and clear association with the executive. But does this effect hold when it is the legislature rather than the incumbent proposing the program? Amid the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, more than 60 million Brazilians received an emergency assistance payment that was proposed by Congress against resistance from the executive. This study leverages this unique case to examine if cash transfer programs affect presidential approval under circumstances of unclear responsibility. Survey results showed that while approval ratings increased, the public was divided about who was responsible for the program. Moreover, a survey-experiment that informed respondents about the negotiations between the president and Congress found that information improves views about Congress but does not affect presidential approval. The results suggest that even cash transfer programs may promote limited vertical accountability in contexts of unclear policy responsibility.

In environmental politics, social movements play a crucial role, promoting participatory rights and confronting injustice, inequality, and the interests of the powerful. This article examines an underexplored topic in the literature on social movements, especially in Latin America: the use of litigation to force decisionmakers to comply with participatory formats, specifically in the course of opposition to hydroelectric dams. These projects often are destructive to the local environment and communities. This study examines four cases of environmental litigation that halted dam construction in Brazil and Chile, singling out causal pathways for successful collective action. It focuses on two dimensions of movement success: the implementation of participatory formats and the resulting cancellation of dam projects. In line with the joint effect model of social movement theory, the cross-case comparison of legal disputes shows that pursuing legal strategies in parallel to broad social mobilization and the support of institutional allies, can lead to successful outcomes.

Brazil is a large exporter of commodities that supply global value chains. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), in 2019 commodity exports entailed 8.4 per cent of Brazilian Gross Domestic Product.1 Although commodities exportation is important for the Brazilian economy, their production or extraction often causes human rights harms and environmental damages.