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Maternal gestational weight gain (GWG) is an important determinant of infant birth weight, and having adequate total GWG has been widely recommended. However, the association of timing of GWG with birth weight remains controversial. We aimed to evaluate this association, especially among women with adequate total GWG. In a prospective cohort study, pregnant women’s weight was routinely measured during pregnancy, and their GWG was calculated for the ten intervals: the first 13, 14–18, 19–23, 24–28, 29–30, 31–32, 33–34, 35–36, 37–38 and 39–40 weeks. Birth weight was measured, and small-for-gestational-age (SGA) and large-for-gestational-age were assessed. Generalized linear and Poisson models were used to evaluate the associations of GWG with birth weight and its outcomes after multivariate adjustment, respectively. Of the 5049 women, increased GWG in the first 30 weeks was associated with increased birth weight for male infants, and increased GWG in the first 28 weeks was associated with increased birth weight for females. Among 1713 women with adequate total GWG, increased GWG percent between 14 and 23 weeks was associated with increased birth weight. Moreover, inadequate GWG between 14 and 23 weeks, compared with the adequate GWG, was associated with an increased risk of SGA (43 (13·7 %) v. 42 (7·2 %); relative risk 1·83, 95 % CI 1·21, 2·76). Timing of GWG may influence infant birth weight differentially, and women with inadequate GWG between 14 and 23 weeks may be at higher risk of delivering SGA infants, despite having adequate total GWG.
Hyperhomocysteinaemia (HHcy) is associated with all-cause mortality in some disease states. However, the correlation between HHcy and the risk of mortality in the general population has rarely been researched. We aimed to evaluate the association between HHcy and all-cause and cause-specific mortality among adults in the USA. This study analysed data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey database (1999–2002 survey cycle). A multivariable Cox regression model was built to evaluate the correlation between HHcy and all-cause and cause-specific mortality. Smooth curve fitting was used to analyse their dose-dependent relationship. A total of 8442 adults aged 18–70 years were included in this study. After a median follow-up period of 14·7 years, 1007 (11·9 %) deaths occurred including 197 CVD-related deaths, 255 cancer-related deaths and fifty-eight respiratory disease deaths. The participants with HHcy had a 93 % increased risk of all-cause mortality (hazard ratio (HR) 1·93; 95 % CI (1·48, 2·51)), 160 % increased risk of CVD mortality (HR 2·60; 95 % CI (1·52, 4·45)) and 82 % increased risk of cancer mortality (HR 1·82; 95 % CI (1·03, 3·21)) compared with those without HHcy. For unmeasured confounding, E-value analysis proved to be robust. In conclusion, HHcy was associated with high risk of all-cause and cause-specific (CVD, cancer) mortality among adults aged below 70 years.
In spite of the consensus that has gradually taken shape in Chinese society as regards the building of a modern rule-of-law order, there has emerged with it a series of challenges to the institutional design of constitutionalism and those paradigms fundamental to legal scholarship – challenges that have been brought to the fore by the new realities and epistemics in the structural changes taking place the world over. They have further complicated the status quo in both theory and practice confronting contemporary China.
China has experienced a fundamental change in its mode of economic management since its reforming and opening up to the outside world: from ex ante administrative permits and direct regulation to ex post judicial remedies and indirect restraint. According to a Chinese economist, it is characterized by “progressive interference of the judiciary in the market control” (Zhou 2004, p.262). The proper role of the judiciary in the market economy depends on its strict impartiality and final ruling, which call for a higher degree of judicial independence and a higher level of judicial technique. However, in light of the existing institutions and their practices, China’s judicial power is unique because the principle of judicial independence is not established in its operation.
This book was originally published in Chinese in October, 2014 right before the Fourth Plenum Meeting of the Eighteenth CPC National Congress, where the Party issued a decision on Several Important Issues on a Comprehensive Framework for Promoting the Rule of Law – a decision that had solicited the input from a group of legal experts prior to its public announcement. Arguably to a certain extent, this book, with its content, the discussions, and debates thus stirred, as well as book events and conferences organized thereof, has been an expression par excellence of a modern rule-of-law positionality, as it attempts to exert some positive influence on the direction of development for institutional reform in China. This is a target, the accomplishment of which requires that it tailors its accessibility (e.g., the length originally planned for this book and the level of complexity in its style of argumentation) to the need of such nonlegal professionals as policy-makers, government cadres, and the general public. What has remained unexplored, unelaborated, or unexplained now goes into the pages of this English version, presenting to the English-speaking audience a fuller, more nuanced, and greater detailed epistemic profile. The chapters have been expanded to incorporate more arguments, resulting in the change of the style of argumentation, thus demanding a few more words for the purpose of clarification.
The scandals in Chongqing of the arrest of the lawyer Li Zhuang, the murder of Neil Heywood, and the vice mayor (the so-called anti-mafia hero) defecting to the US consulate have revealed in a dramatic manner, albeit with a bit of comedic black humor, how powerful, ill-disciplined interested groups can create difficulties for economic reform and engender the disintegration of the power structure and distrust in government. For this very reason, since 2012, there has been an increasingly heightened social expectation of political reform. It is against this background that the Report of the Eighteenth Communist Party of China (CPC) National Congress (hereinafter referred to as the “Report”) emphasized the rule-of-law thinking (法治思维) and rule-of-law style (法治方式) in handling the interactions between reform, development, and stability. A close examination of these two rule-of-law emphases can help us to discover a new way of thinking behind political reform.
Generally speaking, ideology is as much a concept with a strong sense of politics, as a system of beliefs that is class-based, especially the ruling class. Nevertheless, Manheim’s redefinition of ideology from the perspective of the sociology of knowledge (Wissenssoziologie) has greatly expanded its connotations and extensions (Mannheim 1936, 2009). A wider conception of ideology can be put forward here, considering the sea changes occurring in China’s society and economic structures since reform and opening-up in 1978, as well as such ground-breaking statements made by the Chinese Communist Party during its Fourth Plenum of the Eighteenth Party Congress “to regulate and restrain public power” and “to improve the public credibility of the judiciary.” Ideology can be defined as principles, values, morality, political conceptions, or even scientific knowledge knitted together with utilitarian ends – all phenomena that can be used by groups and organizations to support their claims, with its scope extended to cover the communal spirit of the legal profession and the principles in legal doctrines.