To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure email@example.com
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
We employ social network analysis of collar decoration on Iroquoian vessels to conduct a multiscalar analysis of signaling practices among ancestral Huron-Wendat communities on the north shore of Lake Ontario. Our analysis focuses on the microscale of the West Duffins Creek community relocation sequence as well as the mesoscale, incorporating several populations to the west. The data demonstrate that network ties were stronger among populations in adjacent drainages as opposed to within drainage-specific sequences, providing evidence for west-to-east population movement, especially as conflict between Wendat and Haudenosaunee populations escalated in the sixteenth century. These results suggest that although coalescence may have initially involved the incorporation of peoples from microscale (local) networks, populations originating among wider mesoscale (subregional) networks contributed to later coalescent communities. These findings challenge previous models of village relocation and settlement aggregation that oversimplified these processes.
Emerson and colleagues (2020) provide new isotopic evidence on directly dated human bone from the Greater Cahokia region. They conclude that maize was not adopted in the region prior to AD 900. Placing this result within the larger context of maize histories in northeastern North America, they suggest that evidence from the lower Great Lakes and St. Lawrence River valley for earlier maize is “enigmatic” and “perplexing.” Here, we review that evidence, accumulated over the course of several decades, and question why Emerson and colleagues felt the need to offer opinions on that evidence without providing any new contradictory empirical evidence for the region.
This is the first report on the association between trauma exposure and depression from the Advancing Understanding of RecOvery afteR traumA(AURORA) multisite longitudinal study of adverse post-traumatic neuropsychiatric sequelae (APNS) among participants seeking emergency department (ED) treatment in the aftermath of a traumatic life experience.
We focus on participants presenting at EDs after a motor vehicle collision (MVC), which characterizes most AURORA participants, and examine associations of participant socio-demographics and MVC characteristics with 8-week depression as mediated through peritraumatic symptoms and 2-week depression.
Eight-week depression prevalence was relatively high (27.8%) and associated with several MVC characteristics (being passenger v. driver; injuries to other people). Peritraumatic distress was associated with 2-week but not 8-week depression. Most of these associations held when controlling for peritraumatic symptoms and, to a lesser degree, depressive symptoms at 2-weeks post-trauma.
These observations, coupled with substantial variation in the relative strength of the mediating pathways across predictors, raises the possibility of diverse and potentially complex underlying biological and psychological processes that remain to be elucidated in more in-depth analyses of the rich and evolving AURORA database to find new targets for intervention and new tools for risk-based stratification following trauma exposure.
The perinatal period is a vulnerable time for the development of psychopathology, particularly mood and anxiety disorders. In the study of maternal anxiety, important questions remain regarding the association between maternal anxiety symptoms and subsequent child outcomes. This study examined the association between depressive and anxiety symptoms, namely social anxiety, panic, and agoraphobia disorder symptoms during the perinatal period and maternal perception of child behavior, specifically different facets of development and temperament. Participants (N = 104) were recruited during pregnancy from a community sample. Participants completed clinician-administered and self-report measures of depressive and anxiety symptoms during the third trimester of pregnancy and at 16 months postpartum; child behavior and temperament outcomes were assessed at 16 months postpartum. Child development areas included gross and fine motor skills, language and problem-solving abilities, and personal/social skills. Child temperament domains included surgency, negative affectivity, and effortful control. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses demonstrated that elevated prenatal social anxiety symptoms significantly predicted more negative maternal report of child behavior across most measured domains. Elevated prenatal social anxiety and panic symptoms predicted more negative maternal report of child effortful control. Depressive and agoraphobia symptoms were not significant predictors of child outcomes. Elevated anxiety symptoms appear to have a distinct association with maternal report of child development and temperament. Considering the relative influence of anxiety symptoms, particularly social anxiety, on maternal report of child behavior and temperament can help to identify potential difficulties early on in mother–child interactions as well as inform interventions for women and their families.
The loggerhead turtle (Caretta caretta) is a circumglobal species and is listed as vulnerable globally. The North Pacific population nests in Japan and migrates to the Central North Pacific and Pacific coast of North America to feed. In the Mexican Pacific, records of loggerhead presence are largely restricted to the Gulf of Ulloa along the Baja California Peninsula, where very high fisheries by-catch mortality has been reported. Records of loggerhead turtles within the Sea of Cortez also known as the Gulf of California (GC) exist; however, their ecology in this region is poorly understood. We used satellite tracking and an environmental variable analysis (chlorophyll-a (Chl-a) and sea surface temperature (SST)) to determine movements and habitat use of five juvenile loggerhead turtles ranging in straight carapace length from 62.7–68.3 cm (mean: 66.7 ± 2.3 cm). Satellite tracking durations ranged from 73–293 days (mean: 149 ± 62.5 days), transmissions per turtle from 14–1006 (mean: 462 ± 379.5 transmissions) and total travel distance from 1237–5222 km (mean: 3118 ± 1490.7 km). We used travel rate analyses to identify five foraging areas in the GC, which occurred mainly in waters from 10–80 m deep, with mean Chl-a concentrations ranging from 0.28–13.14 mg m−3 and SST ranging from 27.8–34.4°C. This is the first study to describe loggerhead movements in the Gulf of California and our data suggest that loggerhead foraging movements are performed in areas with eutrophic levels of Chl-a.
Hillary Clinton had a thousand reasons to be upset by the 2016 presidential election. Her book, What Happened, lists them all. In Chapter 16 (helpfully entitled Why), Clinton lays out her reasons in 120 well-crafted paragraphs. FBI director James Comey is her star performer, far outdistancing Vladimir Putin & Co. Clinton also acknowledges her own shortcomings as a candidate and recounts other popular explanations for the election’s outcome – angry blue-collar workers in the Midwest, a disorganized Democratic Party, fear of immigrants swarming the southern border, etc.1What Happened is a conflicted book, as Clinton tries to explain “how sixty-two million people – many of whom agreed Trump was unfit for the job – could vote for a man so manifestly unqualified to be President.”2
Politics is a deadly serious business until 11:30 p.m. Eastern Standard Time. Then the klieg lights shine. Donald Trump’s name is embossed in gold on his penis, declares Stormy Daniels on Jimmy Kimmel Live.1 Ivanka Trump is a “feckless cunt,” observes Samantha Bee on Full Frontal.2 Donald Trump is a “presidunce” and a “pricktator,” announces Steven Colbert on The Late Show.3 Clearly, nothing is now off-limits when it comes to presidential humor. Researchers have found that Trump was the butt of late-night jokes three times more often than Hillary Clinton during the 2016 presidential campaign, a ratio that seemed foreordained given Trump’s media history.4 Before running for office, after all, Trump had mugged with Duck Dynasty characters, overseen the Miss America pageant, and fired people on The Apprentice – all on national TV. What could possibly be verboten in a Trump presidency?
Although football has stood for quintessential American values – competition, sportsmanship, teamwork – and afforded prized cultural bounties, including pageantry, tradition, celebrity, etc., things have gone poorly in the Age of Trump. “Sports fans should never condone players who do not stand proud for their National Anthem or their Country,” Trump tweeted in September of 2017. “NFL should change policy,” he commanded.1 The President was referring to the mini-revolution begun by San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick on August 14, 2016, when he remained seated during the anthem to protest police brutality. “People of color have been targeted by police,” Kaepernick explained, and “they are put in place by the government. So that’s something that this country has to change.”2
How did Donald John Trump become president of the United States? That question has bedeviled reporters since November of 2016. The obvious answer – that Trump received the most Electoral College votes – is inadequate for many. “Why Are Conservatives More Susceptible to Believing Lies?” queried Slate, drawing on social science research suggesting that while “finding facts and pursuing evidence and trusting science is part of liberal ideology,” conservatives place their faith in faith (and intuition) and thus are more likely to have difficulty “judging accurately what is true and what is false.” With conservatives coming “disproportionately from rural areas and small towns,” Slate reports, their “social networks remain smaller” and hence they are prone to accepting “misinformation and outright lies.”1 “Nearly 80 percent of white evangelicals plan to vote for Mr. Trump,” observed opinion writer Daniel K. Williams in August of 2016. “Are they dupes or hypocrites?”2 In providing evangelicals with at least two options, Mr. Williams was more generous than many of the nation’s scribes.
As the Trump administration entered its third year, everyone, it seemed, reviled the President. MSNBC’s Chris Matthews regularly described him as a liar and Old Europe dismissed him as a man drunk on ego. Women throughout the United States complained about his misogyny and a newly elected Representative from the Bronx labeled him a racist. Late-night comics called him malevolent and probably deranged. Donald Trump didn’t brush regularly. Everyone agreed.
Some people think that Donald Trump is crazy. Many of them live in Washington, DC. When consulting the Lexis-Nexis database of news coverage, for example, one finds 329 uses of the collocate <Trump + 25th Amendment> during the first three months of the Trump presidency. Between July 1st and September 30th, 2018, however, that same pairing jumped to 3,833 hits. “Members of Congress ‘Holding Secret Conversations about Removing Donald Trump from Office,’” blared the Independent, quoting such quotables as Bill Kristol, who declared that the chance of removing the President was “somewhere in the big middle ground between a 1 per cent and 50. It’s some per cent. It’s not nothing,” thus providing a valuable lesson in both politics and basic mathematics. The Independent also relied on Harvard’s Laurence Tribe (“invoking Section 4 of the 25th Amendment is no fantasy but an entirely plausible tool”), gladdening the hearts of many Americans in the process.1
Donald Trump became president because some Americans felt trapped – no economic freedom, too much political correctness, a dubious future time. People in Homer, Alaska, especially felt that way in February of 2017 when a group of citizens proposed a resolution welcoming immigrants to “The Halibut Fishing Capital of the World,” a city sitting at the end of a spit on the Kenai Peninsula, making it the least accessible destination in the United States for any would-be traveler, immigrant or not. When National Public Radio producer Brian Reed asked people in Homer if they had ever encountered an undocumented immigrant, they said they had not. Chief of Police Mark Robel backed up their story.1
In politics, words are never far from the action: How to describe the upcoming legislation? How to set the tone for the party’s convention? How to address reporters when descending from Air Force One? “Word eruptions” – words about words about words – are a constant thing as a result and that was even truer when Donald Trump became president: One of his supporters, Roseanne Barr, lost her TV show after making racist allusions about an Obama staffer; Melania Trump wore a coat declaring “I really don’t care. Do U?” which also caused a stir; comedian Michelle Wolf prayed that White House staffer Kellyanne Conway would be hit by a tree and also described Press Secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders as “an Uncle Tom for white women”; Robert De Niro went on a rant against Trump at the Tony Awards; and Peter Fonda imagined ripping “Barron Trump from his mother” and putting him in a “cage with pedophiles.”1 Cruel words, incessant words, ineluctably political words.