Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- One Prelude
- Two Nationalist Unionism
- Three ‘Every Scotsman Should Be a Scottish Nationalist’
- Four ‘Scottish Control of Scottish Affairs’
- Five Scottish (Conservative and) Unionist Party: Rise and Fall
- Six The Liberals and ‘Scottish Self-Government’
- Seven The Scottish Labour Party and ‘Crypto-Nationalism’
- Eight The SNP and ‘Five Continuing Unions’
- Nine ‘The Fair Claims of Wales’
- Ten Northern Ireland and ‘Ulster Nationalism’
- Eleven Conclusion
- Endnotes
- Bibliography
- Index
One - Prelude
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 September 2020
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- One Prelude
- Two Nationalist Unionism
- Three ‘Every Scotsman Should Be a Scottish Nationalist’
- Four ‘Scottish Control of Scottish Affairs’
- Five Scottish (Conservative and) Unionist Party: Rise and Fall
- Six The Liberals and ‘Scottish Self-Government’
- Seven The Scottish Labour Party and ‘Crypto-Nationalism’
- Eight The SNP and ‘Five Continuing Unions’
- Nine ‘The Fair Claims of Wales’
- Ten Northern Ireland and ‘Ulster Nationalism’
- Eleven Conclusion
- Endnotes
- Bibliography
- Index
Summary
On 16 January 1884, under the auspices of the Convention of Royal Burghs of Scotland, hundreds of people made their way into Edinburgh's Free Church Assembly Hall to take part in a ‘national’ meeting regarding the governance of Scotland. At just after 1 p.m., the Marquis of Lothian arrived and was induced to take the chair. To his right sat Arthur James Balfour, and to his left Lord Balfour of Burleigh. Sitting close by as an observer was the young Earl of Dalhousie. Most were Conservatives, Dalhousie a Liberal.
Speaker after speaker lamented the handling of Scottish business at Westminster, while Lord Lothian summed up the views of many by stating that,
They recognised the great blessings which had accrued to Scotland and England from the Union, and they loyally abided by the terms of the Union – (cheers) – but they wanted to assure for themselves for the future – what their forefathers in signing the Treaty of Union had assured to them – that Scottish business should be managed independently, to a certain extent, of English business. (Cheers.) While they wanted more union, they objected to anything in the shape of absorption. (Cheers.)
The Earl of Aberdeen believed that if the meeting's proposals to improve ‘the inner circle of Scottish government’ were carried out, then ‘the grand system of the British Empire would also be improved’. The Rev. Dr McGregor added that no ‘sensible person’ could wish to see Scotland ‘denationalised’; its ‘ancient’ national institutions ‘thrown overboard, even when there was no storm’. Provost Wilson of Greenock, meanwhile, was proud that ‘national aspirations beat as strongly in the hearts of leading Conservatives as in the bosoms of the most fiery and rampant Radicals’.
Others were more cautious. The future Conservative Party leader, prime minister and foreign secretary, the languid A. J. Balfour, raised an objection he had heard expressed by ‘true Scotsmen and patriots’:
They had said – Are you not by this movement emphasising the difference between England and Scotland, and initiating a movement which after all might end in something not unlike Home Rule. With the spirit of the objection he heartily agreed he should absolutely refuse, so far as he was concerned, to move a single step in a direction which should in any way sever the connection which had so long existed between the two countries for their mutual benefit.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Standing Up for ScotlandNationalist Unionism and Scottish Party Politics, 1884–2014, pp. 1 - 5Publisher: Edinburgh University PressPrint publication year: 2020