This article suggests that a ‘politics of security’ characterised white South Africa from 1961 to at least the time of the death of Prime Minister H. F. Verwoerd in 1966. It is still too early to know whether under Dr Verwoerd's successor, B. J. Vorster, South African politics will assume another character, although at the end of the article I will suggest that change is unlikely. I wish to argue, however, that over the last five years of the Verwoerd premiership politics in South Africa was qualitatively different from that which existed before the creation of the Republic in 1961.

The omnipresence of ethnic factors as a determinant in Nigerian politics during the first republic appears almost as a truism for Africansts today. The fragmentation of Nigeria into two units with the secession of Biafra on 30 May 1967 constitutes the most tragic and vivid manifestation of the consequences of ethnic confrontation. But in addition to these well-known ethnic-bloc politics at the macropolitical— Federal—level, competition based on ethnic groups also characterised the regional and local political systems. After all, the separate identities of such ethnic groups as the Ibo, the Yoruba, and the Hausa—Fulani only became relevant and generally accepted subsequent to the Introduction of a representative political system after World War II.

The great achievements of the liberation movement in Africa in the late 1950s and early 1960s led to the winning of political independence by the majority of African countries. For the first time in their history they were able to determine for themselves their path to economic development. This happened at a period when the world was split into two socio-economic systems: socialism and capitalism. The broad distinction between them may be defined by the objective fact of the ownership of the means of production: a socialist society has decided to take in its hands all capital goods and to govern collectively the economic development of the country; a capitalist society still sticks to the principle of private ownership, thinking that individual interests may guarantee the prosperity of the whole society, but forgetting that only the socialisation of the means of production can stop the exploitation of the many by the few.

The company as a form of economic organisation is an essentially capitalist invention, and the privilege of limited liability which it confers is specifically designed to protect private investment and to ensure that such investment is kept at a reasonable level despite the vagaries of the capitalist environment. It is therefore topical and relevant to study the future of the company in an African context in which a more socialist approach to development is being increasingly advocated. This article attempts to examine the position in Tanzania—politically the most avant-garde of the new anglophone states of Africa—several months after government action which severely down-graded the significance of her private sector.1

‘THE story, the spirit of Pan-Africanism, although originating in America and France, was brought to our country by a man whose name and memory I should like to recall here. I am speaking of Marc Kodio Tovallo Queno, who—as an authentic African forerunner of the movement—claimed his negritude even before the word was coined. He brought us to know Marcus Garvey, Dr Du Bois, and so many others; when I was a child I heard my parents speak of these names and evoke these problems. That is to say, if the first sketch of this movement was begun in America and Paris, it had, before it was publicly evident, repercussions and an extension in Africa.’1

In the early 1930S the then Southern and Northern Rhodesia were in the course of major programmes of building and construction, which required tremendous financial outlay, when the world depression broke out. The regions throughout southern Africa which were living primarily off the exports of their natural wealth were necessarily influenced by the depression, particularly as it was the prices of exported raw materials which suffered mostly from speculation on the world markets. During these years of depression—a period of surpluses of finished goods—the prices of raw materials, including those from colonial dependencies, were forced down.

There has been a high level of debate over critical features of politics in Ghana during the Nkrumah period, for example, on the role of ethnicity, the mass party, authoritarian rule, and strategies of economic development. This review of studies of Ghanaian politics focuses on the treatment devoted to only a few areas of political inquiry: (1) the nature of the socio-economic, political, and territorial framework within which political action occurred; (2) the kinds of political structures which developed in Ghana, with primary attention to parties and the party—state relationship but also to certain state structures—for example, the civil service and national assembly; and (3) the types of political demands which were made upon the system, how they entered the system, the capability of the system in terms of these demands, and the degrees of legitimacy and institutionalisation of political roles, structures, or processes involved.

Ever since the francophone African states, including the Malagasy Republic, were established, their governments have been conscious of the need to organise their development in the best possible conditions, and have been concerned with economic planning in order to achieve satisfactory results as soon as possible. Since they initially lacked competent national staff, they resorted to technical aid from France in this particularly sensitive field.

Africanists of all disciplines will never cease to be indebted to the late Professor Melville J. Herskovits for his pioneering work in the development of African Studies in the United States. As Professor of Anthropology at Northwestern University, he created and directed the Program of African Studies from 1948 until his death in 1963. To celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the founding of this Program, a conference was held at Evanston under the general chairmanship of the present director of the Program, Professor Gwendolen M. Carter.

Delegates from U.N.E.S.C.O.'s 122 member states (including 39 African countries) attended this session of the General Conference, at which three additional states—Barbados, Mauritius, and the Yemen—were admitted. W. A. Eteki-Mboumoua—Minister of Education, Arts, and Letters in Cameroun, 1961–8—was elected president of the session, the first African to hold such office. In his presidential address, Mr Eteki-Mboumoua called for the preservation of oral traditions in Africa and for more—as well as more effective—aid from the developed to the developing countries.

Delegates from 15 English-speaking African states together with special guests and observers attended the seventh in an annual series of public administration seminars. The first had been held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in 1962, with subsequent seminars in Nigeria, Uganda, Zambia, the U.A.R., and Ghana, each being sponsored jointly by the host government and the Ford Foundation. Their purpose is two-fold: first, to provide an opportunity for Africa's senior administrators to meet and exchange experiences, and secondly, to enable the participants to discuss common problems and to consider ways and means of improving the administration of the public services.

In response to urgent local situations, many African nations have set going special programmes for youth. These programmes—largely a phenomenon of the 1960s—represent a distinct break with customary methods of meeting the needs of youth for civic education, specialised training, and community service. They are administered separately from systems of formal education and do not easily fit within the category of what is usually known as non-formal education and training. Nor do these programmes have much in common with the familiar boys' and girls' clubs of such wide variety, deriving from both kinship and modern influences, which are to be found in African villages, townships, and cities. Most of these national youth service programmes provide facilities whereby trainees can make an organised, disciplined contribution to national development during their period of service. Such service to the nation through work projects may be for a few months or may stretch over a period of one or even two years. Almost all the programmes are rural-oriented. A few cater only for girls and young women. Examples are: Jeunesse pionnière nationale (Central African Republic), Mouvement de la jeunesse (Chad), Action de rénovation rurale (Congo Brazzaville), Service civique (Mali), Formation et production (Tunisia), University Students' Service (Ethiopia), National Youth Service (Kenya), National Youth Organisation (Liberia), Young Pioneers (Malawi), Youth Service (Zambia).

This, the fourth conference of the Association des universités partiellement ou entièrement de langue française (A.U.P.E.L.F.), was attended by more than 150 people, from a score of countries, representing not only the French-speaking universities, but also several national and international organisations. Dean Chidhi Ayari, of the Faculty of Law and Economics in Tunis, presided over the sessions.

In the economic literature, one approach to development has centred on capital accumulation. This leads to an emphasis upon public finance, foreign aid, and such-like measures designed to raise funds for governments to invest. In the sub-Saharan situation, capital accumulation poses a dilemma: on the one hand there are great institutional deficiencies for raising capital; on the other, the amount of capital which most observers feel can be raised is much less than the ‘needs’ of African societies. This concentration on the problems of capital and its accumulation is what economists call the ‘macro’ approach. It asks what over-all amounts of capital are needed. It does not in the usual case relate the total capital to its different uses.

This conference, organised by the African Centre for Training and Research in Administration for Development (C.A.F.R.A.D.), was attended by more than 40 participants from government departments, institutes of public administration, and écoles nationales d'administration of 14 francophone and 10 anglophone African countries; in addition, a number of observers were present. An international dimension was given by the presence of 14 consultants from a wide variety of countries, including France, the United Kingdom, India, Nigeria, the U.S.A., the Philippines, and Jamaica; the U.N. was also represented, by the head of its division of public administration.

A report of the conference on the legal, economic, and social aspects of African refugee problems, which took place in Addis Ababa in October 1967, appeared in this Journal, V, 4, December 1967. That conference had recognised three phases of activity on the African refugee problem: the phase of succour and relief when the refugees first pour across the frontiers of the countries of asylum; the second phase, when they are rescued from their overcrowded reception areas, and established on the land to produce their own food, with at least a minimum of social services and amenities; and the third phase, which was of most interest to the conference, involving the new concept of zonal integration and development. Since then there has been some important progress in clarifying, planning, and putting into practice this new form of rural development, which by now merits a separate report.