The Council occupies a central position in the Organization of American States. The Charter names it as one of the six organs through which the Organization carries out its functions. It is the only body representing all member governments that is continually in session at the seat of the Organization. With some 60 years of consecutive if varied existence, the Council has been constantly subject to the major political influences that have shaped the attitudes of the 21 member governments toward the OAS. The fundamental character of the Council, its authority and its true role in the regional organization are still in a process of evolutionary development.

The purpose of this article is to formulate some general conclusions about Latin American and African caucusing group voting behavior patterns in the United Nations General Assembly. This study will attempt to establish and correlate these voting behavior patterns in terms of: (1) issues; (2) intra-group solidarity; and (3) inter-group support.

The method of inquiry is roll call voting analysis computed on the basis of percentage of total votes cast during a regular session of the Assembly on a general category of issues. The analysis includes all roll call votes (approximately 2,300) cast on entire resolutions during plenary sessions of the General Assembly from 1946 through 1966. This excludes from consideration all votes cast: (1) in the various committees of the Assembly; (2) on procedural matters; and (3) on parts of resolutions.

There are Several Reasons why the drug phenomenon has proved to be a difficult analytical puzzle for social scientists. One is that the field of study itself shifts depending upon the interest of the analyst, ranging from topics as diverse as drug abuse, the political and judicial impact of violence and corruption engendered by the illegality of drug trafficking, and the nature of the groups that generate revenue from drug trafficking—and the purposes to which they put that money. Another reason, of course, is the fact that hard data are often absent; measurement problems are severe. A third reason, compounding the second, is that generalizations decay quickly in this area, as zones of production, patterns of consumption, trans-shipment points, and methods and relationships among trafficking groups, state agents and local producers can all change quickly.

Notre Anthologie panorama de la Poésie Haitienne parue en 1950 s'est arrêtée à cette date. Depuis, a vu le jour une collection de poètes. Nous n'avons pas la prétention de les connaître tous, ni d'en faire un recensement complet. Nous voulons, dans cette étude, présenter quelques-uns d'entre eux, sans distinction de sexe, essayant de fixer l'époque à laquelle ils appartiennent ainsi que les particularités de leurs oeuvres.

Près de quinze ans durant, le monde entier a connu bien des bouleversements, crises politiques, troubles sociaux, mais progrès technique d'une portée jamais égalée. Fréquents aussi sont les conflits de travail. Le capital finit par comprendre qu'il lui faut composer et faire un meilleur sort au travail qui a désormais son programme de revendications et son porte-parole avec les syndicats et les organisations ouvrières.

A moderna fase, iniciada no século XV, de contactos de europeus com regióes tropicais — contactos que têm importado na maior ou na menor europeização dessas regiões — permite-nos considerar êsse fenômeno em têrmos nao só de Historia Social e de Antropologia Cultural como de Sociología de Historia ou de Sociologia da Cultura. Em qualquer dessas especialidades, é assunto, ésse, de importancia máxima para a interpretacáo e a compreensáo do Homem Situado: assunto já de Antropologia Filosófica. Em têrmos, quer da primeira, quer de qualquer outra dessas especialidades — principalmente em têrmos, sociológicos ou antropo-filosóficos — já nos é permitido empregar a expressáo “eurotropical” para caracterizar, globalmente, ésse tipo de contactos interregionais, interraciais e interculturais.

Urban morphology and growth have been studied by sociologists and others in the United States for half a century. A question raised in some recent studies is: To what extent are urban forms and growth processes universal? Sargent (1972) has proposed a universal model of urban dynamics intended “to relate processes to the spatial development,” particularly residential development, of the city. Sargent uses Buenos Aires between 1870 and 1930 as a case study. This article applies his model to another Latin American capital, Caracas, during approximately the same time period in order to demonstrate imperfections in the model as it relates to the way in which transportation systems expand, the forces which influence their expansion, and the manner in which they affect city growth.

For more than a decade, enormous attention has been given by academic economists, researchers, and policy makers to the problem of economic growth of the less-developed countries. The aspirations of leaders and the people of these countries for accelerated economic progress which has been characterized by the apt phrases the “revolution of rising expectations,” and the “New Awakening,” have played a major role in this new orientation in economic thought and action. Another interesting fact is that governments have emerged as consciously active “agents of change” carrying a heavy responsibüity for the success or failure of development programs.

“A new economic order is essential for world peace,” proclaimed President Carlos Andrés Pérez of Venezuela (1976) on November 16, 1976, at the UN General Assembly in fulfilling “the mandate which Simon Bolivar gave [the Venezuelans] more than 150 years ago” (Pérez, 1976: 28). Responding to this call of destiny and reaffirming Venezuela's claimed Bolivarian tradition of placing “its resources.at the service of its people, at the servi of Latin America, at the service of humanity” (Pérez, 1976: 28f President Pérez (nicknamed Simonsito) sought in and through the New International Economic Order (NIEO) a new Lebensraum, not of destructive territorial expansion, but of increased purchasing power, dignity, equality, and independence for the poor, weak, underprivileged countries (Pérez, 1976: 7, 11). The NIEO, “a moral obligation of all nations,” “is required as a¡ desideratum of peace,” especially since the disintegrating “old international economic order which emerged from the Second World War … was an unjust system of relations based on inequality … designed to benefit those countries which had accumulated the fruits of technical progress” (Pérez, 1976: 9).

How do peacebuilding institutions affect political behavior? This article studies the historic victory of the Colombian left in the 2022 presidential elections in light of the implementation of local peacebuilding programs through the 2016 Peace Accords. Using a quasi-experimental design, we show that the Development Plans with a Territorial Focus (PDET), a central component of the 2016 Peace Accords between the government and the FARC, increased the vote share for the leftist coalition, Pacto Histórico, in the 2022 elections by increasing voter turnout in PDET regions. In a departure from existing literature, we find that the explanatory effect of violence on vote share is significantly reduced when we include an indicator for PDET implementation and additional covariates. While there is a substantial body of work examining the effects of conflict violence and the presence of armed actors on elections, there has been relatively little focus on how the peacebuilding has affected vote choice and political behavior. We see our project as a bridge to fill this gap in the literature.

States targeted by human rights criticism usually do something—whether ratifying treaties, passing laws, establishing institutions, prosecuting perpetrators, or shifting discourse. But how do we know how coordinated, comprehensive, and effective these actions are? This article proposes five questions to assess how willing a state is to take the steps necessary to meaningfully respond to human rights crises. It applies this approach to two human rights crises in Mexico: femicides and violence against women, and disappearances. This approach effectively differentiates state responses that initially appear similar, demonstrating that the Mexican government has been more willing to address violence against women and femicides than disappearances. An explanation for this difference in outcomes points to a combination of factors related to the underlying preferences of the government involved, the characteristics of victims, and the specific human right being violated.

Brazil, for many scholars and pundits, showcased the risk of democratic breakdown with the election of a far-right populist like Jair Bolsonaro. Against pessimistic expectations, however, not only has Brazilian democracy survived but politics has returned to business as usual. What can explain this supposedly unanticipated outcome? This article provides an analytical assessment of this this puzzle and offers an alternative explanation. We argue that both the diagnoses of Brazilian institutions and the predictions made were misguided. We explore the role played by the Supreme Court, party system, media, and congressional politics in restricting Bolsonaro’s illiberal initiatives.

Scholarship on Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) increasingly recognizes that even weak states targeted by TANs may respond, and subvert, transnational norm socialization campaigns. It examines both the conditions conducive to such responses and the range of policy instruments available to these states. Yet this emerging work lacks a robust, contextualized account for how states devise the strategy and the content of their responses. This article builds on the policy-learning literature to elucidate the process through which states construct their antiTAN approaches. It suggests that states’ policy paradigms in the field of domestic security largely shape those responses, with different paradigms offering distinct priorities and instruments. The comparison of the divergent impact of the Guatemalan state’s contrasting responses to two similar legal-political challenges, undertaken in the context of the same anticorruption TAN campaign, illustrates the argument.

Benjamín Franklin y José Martí estuvieron presentes, respectivamente, en el principio y en el término de un largo período de la vida de América. Fué el período dentro del cual se iniciaron y culminaron en gloriosas victorias los empeños enderezados a desuncir el rigor colonial de los pueblos del Nuevo Mundo transformados en naciones soberanas. Franklin nació en los albores del siglo XVIII. Martí murió en las postrimerías del XIX. Franklin y Martí fueron el primero y el último, cronológicamente, de los grandes libertadores americanos.

Desde la madurez de Franklin hasta la de Martí, y en la madurez de éste se produjo su perecimiento, a lo largo y a lo ancho del Hemisferio Occidental, desde los Estados Unidos de América hasta Cuba, con notorios anhelos de superación y liberación en el tiempo y en el espacio, se transformó todo un medio globo.

“Far, far away!” For the romantic imagination of Americans living in the second decade of the nineteenth century, these words identified, from the geographical viewpoint, Spain. To the average American, indeed to all but a few, Spain was as close to a terra incognita as there could exist in the Western World, a legendary land of old castles and beautiful landscapes inhabited by lovely dark-eyed maidens, engulfed by a warm climate, religious bigotry, and ignorance. But it was “far, far away,” and to the complacent inhabitants of a new and prosperous country which was politically stable and economically secure, Spain symbolized romantic adventure.

In recent years, Chile has arrived at a significant consensus regarding a number of subjects central to the country's development; and, notwithstanding certain important differences between the Concertación government and its opposition, there is considerable agreement regarding certain basic aspects of economic growth which will doubtless continue to be maintained in the mid-to-long run.

The official policy, as laid down by the government, is that Chile's economy is now oriented toward achieving growth with social equity, and that the way to reach those goals is by strengthening the country's insertion into the international economy, since the world is now moving towards a globalization which no country can afford to ignore. Given this new reality, the Chilean economy is also moving to take part in this process in a strategy that has proved fairly successful in recent years.

This article is a report of a study begun in 1959 and completed in early 1962 at the State University of Iowa as a doctoral dissertation. A descriptive study, it attempted to draw in rather broad outlines the image of the United States and its people as presented in an important segment of the Mexican press1 and in opinions expressed by journalists in interviews and on questionnaires. More specifically, the study was made to determine and describe the volume and kinds of news, opinion, and pictorial material about the United States published over a randomlyselected period (January, 1960) in ten leading daily newspapers of Mexico.

Beyond this main descriptive phase, consisting of the analysis of the content of 300 separate newspaper issues, the study also had as a secondary objective the presentation of opinion about the United States given by journalists connected with the ten dailies and with a few other newspapers. This latter phase proved to be much the more interesting, and the more revealing, aspect of the study, and it is principally with this “opinion” aspect of the study that the present article deals.

The Brazilian Negroes must be viewed in the context of Brazilian history and civilization and of the forces of social change operating throughout Brazilian society. In this article I intend to point out some of the historical factors that significantly influence the social mobility, or lack of it, of Brazilian Negroes, to analyze the present status of Negroes in Brazilian society, and to suggest some possible ways of dealing with this largely ignored, but very serious, racial situation that contains the seeds of a potential social crisis.

After the discovery of Brazil by Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1500, the Portuguese exploited its coastal territories for more than fifty years with little help other than that of the enslaved Indians.