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Arghun Aqa: Mongol Bureaucrat

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

George Lane*
Affiliation:
The School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London

Extract

The question of who ran the Mongol Empire has long challenged historians, and various theories have emerged and retreated in answer to this problem. As far as the question of who ran the Persian part of the empire the answer has been made more elusive by the nature of the sources. Though excellent primary source material for this period abounds, for the most part it is written by the bureaucrats of the Il-Khanate themselves, most of whom were Persian. Very little Mongol material survives. It is this lack of Mongolian material that has prompted historians to speculate that perhaps none ever existed and thus that “the Mongols were happy to leave the tedious minutiae of government to those best qualified to cope with them.” In the case of Persia “those best qualified to cope” meant the traditional bureaucratic classes, and such individual luminaries as Ata Malik Juvaini and Rashid al-Din and families such as the Qazvinis and Simnanis spring to mind.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Association For Iranian Studies, Inc 1999

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References

1. See Morgan, David, “Mongol or Persian: The Government of Il-Khanid Iran,” Harvard Middle-Eastern and Islamic Review 3 (1996): 12Google Scholar, 62-76; see also Aubin, Jean, “Emirs, Mongols et Viziers Persans dans les Remous de l'Acculturation”, Studia Iranica. 15 (1995)Google Scholar.

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7. On Korguz's career see Juvaini/Boyle, 489-505 and Ata Malik Juvaini, Tārīkhi jahān-gushā, ed. Qazvini, M., 2 vols. (London, 1916) (henceforth Juvaini/Qazvini), 2, 225242Google Scholar.

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11. Juvaini/Boyle, 507.

12. See Allsen, T. T., Mongol Imperialism: The Policies of the Great Qan Möngke in China, Russia, and the Islamic Lands (Berkeley, 1987), 176–77Google Scholar. This conclusion is based on silver coins struck c1244-5 in Transcaucasia with the quoted Turkic inscription, without reference to a qa'an written in Arabic script and stamped on the reverse side from the Muslim formula.

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18. Ibid., 508. Boyle in Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 4, 337 assumes that Juvaini exaggerates Sharaf al-Din's evil nature.

19. paiza, p'ai-tse = tablet of authority in wood, silver or gold sometimes bearing a tiger or gerfalcon depending on rank. See Morgan, David, The Mongols (Oxford, 1986), 105–7Google Scholar.

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22. Ibid., 539.

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24. Juvaini/Boyle, 544.

25. Ibid., 511.

26. Eljigitei had been dispatched by Guyuk to subdue the west. See Jackson, Dissolution, 200, 215.

27. Juvaini/Boyle 512.

28. Cited in Allsen, Mongol Imperialism, 107. Yuan Shih, the official history of the Yuan dynasty, was compiled in 1369 on the orders of newly founded Ming dynasty. See Allsen, 11-12.

29. Juvaini/Boyle, 9-11.

30. Ibid., 152.

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40. Juvaini/Boyle, 108, n. 31.

41. Ibid., 515-16, 605.

42. Ibid., 514, 521.

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48. For an explanation of the apparent discrepancies in dating the censuses between the various sources see Allsen, 132-3.

49. Minorsky, “Naṣir al-Din Tusi on Finance” 70, 77-8.

50. Juvaini/Boyle, 519.

51. Ibid.

52. Ibid., 521.

53. Allsen, Mongol Imperialism, 123.

54. Juvaini/Boyle, 33-4.

55. Grigor, 75.

56. Ibid, 57.

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58. Kirakos, 205.

59. According to Juvaini, Buqa was appointed basqāq along with Juvaini's father as ṣāḥib-dīwān by Arghun Aqa over the lands of Azerbaijan, Georgia, Rum etc. Juvaini/Boyle, 508, Qazvini, ii, 245.

60. Kirakos, 260-1.

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63. See the Syrian historian and cleric Hebraeus, Bar, The Chronography of Gregory Abû'l-Faraj, ed. and trans., Budge, E.A.W. (London, 1932)Google Scholar; also Lane, George, “An account of Bar Hebraeus Abu al-Faraj and his relations with the Mongols of Persia,” Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, 2/2Google Scholar available on the World Wide Web at ≪http://syrcom.cua.edu/Hugoye/Vol2No2HV2N2Glane.html≫.

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65. Kirakos, 268.

66. Ibid.

67. The same destruction as had occurred in 1243.

68. The Historical Compilation of Vardan Arewelc'i, (henceforth Vardan) trans. Thomson, Robert, (Washington, D.C., 1989)Google Scholar, Dumbarton Oaks Papers no. 43.

69. Grigor, 321.

70. Ibid.

71. Juvaini/Boyle, 507-8.

72. See Boyle's note concerning this date, ibid., 510, n. 10.

73. Ibid., 510.

74. Sayfi, 172

75. Ibid., 170. It is not clear if this first 50,000 dinars is the same gift as the one given during the visit to Tus or another.

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77. Allsen, 71.

78. Kirakos, 300.

79. Ibid, 299-300, g 362-3

80. Histoire de la Georgie, 550.

81. Ibid; see also Bedrosian, Robert, trans., The Turco-Mongol Invasion and the Lords of Armenia in the 13th-14th Centuries (New York, 1985), 123Google Scholar.

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83. Histoire de la Georgie, 551-2 (Bedrosian trans., 124, n. 196).

84. Kirakos, 300.

85. Bedrosian, The Turco-Mongol Invasion, 285-6, citing Step'annos Orbelean,; Orbelean, Step'annos, Histoire de la Siounie, trans. Brosset, M. (St. Petersbourg, 1864), 230–31Google Scholar.

86. Bedrosian, The Turco-Mongol Invasion, 286; Histoire de la Georgie, 552.

87. Kirakos, 296.

88. Ibid.

89. Step'annos Orbelean, Histoire de la Sioune, 232.

90. Ibid., 230.

91. Ibid., 233.

92. Ibid., 236.

93. Juvaini/Boyle, 523.

94. Ibid., 524.

95. Allen, History of the Georgian People, 115.

96. Kirakos 225-6.

97. See Bedrosian, The Turco-Mongol Invasions, 197.

98. Ibid. 196; Histoire de la Georgie, 529-30.

99. Allen, 116-7. On Hajji Aziz see Histoire de la Georgie, 561-65.

100. Kirakos, 325-30.

101. Vardan, 218.

102. Ibid.

103. Ibid.

104. Kirakos, 327.

105. Histoire de la Georgie, 563.

106. Rashid al-Din, 1061.

107. William of Rubruck's description of Arghun Aqa in idem, The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck,. eds., Jackson, Peter and Morgan, David (London, 1990), 263Google Scholar.

108. anon., Tārīkh-i Shāhī-i Qarā Khiṭā˒ī, ed. Ibrahim Bastani Parizi, M. (Tehran, 2535/1976-77), 156Google Scholar.

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110. Rashid al-Din, 74.

111. Jackson, Peter, “Arḡūn Āqā,” Encyclopaedia Iranica, 2, 402 citing KirakosGoogle Scholar; see also Rashid al-Din, 879-80, 881-885 on the relationship between Hulegu, Algu, and Ariq Boke.

112. For a new interpretation of the role of Qaidu see Biran, Michal, Qaidu and the Rise of the Independent Mongol State (London: Curzon, 1997)Google Scholar.

113. Rashid al-Din, 1071-72.

114. Sayfi, 310; Rashid al-Din, 1072; al-Din Khwandamir, Ghiyas, Ḥabīb al-siyar fī akhbār afrād al-bashar, ed. Dabir Siyaqi, M. (Tehran, 1353/1974), vol. 3, 85Google Scholar; idem, Habibu's-Siyar trans., Thackston, W. M., Tome 3, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, 1994), 49Google Scholar; Wassaf, 71; Ayati, 41.

115. Rashid al-Din, 1078.

116. Ibid., 1079, 1101.

117. Ibid., 1083. Khwandamir, 3, 85-86.

118. Rashid al-Din, 1084.

119. Ibid., 1086-87; Wassaf, 74; Ayati, 42-43.

120. Wassaf, 75.

121. Rashid al-Din, 1088.

122. Cited in Sayfi, 330. Baraq is reported as having returned to Bukhara, where he converted to Islam and took the name Sultan Ghiyath al-Din before suffering a paralysing stroke. In the Year of the Goat, 1270, he went to Qaidu Khan where he was given a poisoned drink that killed him. See Khwandamir, 3: 83, 87; Thackston translation, 47, 49; Ayati, 44; Wassaf, 76.

123. Histoire de la Georgie, 591; Peter Jackson “Arghun Aqa” citing A.G. Galstyn

124. See Vladimir Minorsky, Iranica, Tehran, 1964, 299-305.

125. Ibid., 299, 303.

126. Ibid., 301, 304.

127. Ibid., 301, 305.

128. See Aubin, Jean, “Emirs, Mongol,” 59Google Scholar.

129. Wassaf, 313; Ayati, 190.