¹ Wilson, James Q., “The Urban Unease,” The Public Interest, No. 12 (Summer, 1968), p. 28Google Scholar.

² Dahl, Robert, After the Revolution? (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970), p. 153Google Scholar.

³ Kotler, Milton, Neighborhood Government (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1969), p. 93Google Scholar. Kotler, in this work, presents the argument in favor of neighborhood democracy in its most extreme form, and traces its roots to the origins of the American republic. Yates, however, asserts that while local democracy is often considered characteristic of the American political tradition, it was in fact more myth than history. Yates, Douglas, Neighborhood Democracy (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1973), p. 12Google Scholar.

⁴ Carmichael, Stokely and Hamilton, Charles V., Black Power (New York: Vintage, 1967), p. 166Google Scholar.

⁵ See Altshuler, Alan, Community Control (New York: Pegasus, 1970)Google Scholar.

⁶ See Fainstein, Norman I. and Fainstein, Susan S., Urban Political Movements (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974), chap. 1Google Scholar; Greenstone, J. David and Peterson, Paul E., Race and Authority in Urban Politics (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1973), chap. 4Google Scholar.

⁷ While proponents of community control promote values of lay participation, decentralization, and group particularism, they do not see these as requiring the jettisoning of technical expertise and fair treatment of individuals. Rather, they claim that reform principles have been carried out to an extreme where they produce results contrary to their original intentions.

⁸ See Fein, Leonard J., “Community Schools and Social Theory: The Limits of Universalism,” in Community Control of Schools, ed. Levin, Henry M. (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1970), pp. 76–99Google Scholar.

⁹ Carmichael and Hamilton, op cit.; Blauner, Robert, Racial Oppression in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), chap. 3Google Scholar; Katznelson, Ira, Black Men, White Cities (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), chap. 3Google Scholar.

¹⁰ See Nordlinger, Eric A., Decentralizing the City: A Study of Boston's Little City Halls (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1972)Google Scholar.

¹¹ See Fainstein, Susan S. et al. , “Community Leadership and the Office of Neighborhood Government in Bushwick, Crown Heights and Wakefield-Edenwald” (New York: Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia University, 11, 1973)Google Scholar, interim report; Fainstein, Susan S. and LaSpina, Fran, “District Service Cabinets and the Office of Neighborhood Government” (New York: Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia University, 11, 1973)Google Scholar, interim report.

¹² See Piven, Frances Fox, “The Great Society as Political Strategy,” in Cloward, Richard A. and Piven, Frances Fox, The Politics of Turmoil (New York: Pantheon, 1974), pp. 271–83Google Scholar.

¹³ Greenstone, and Peterson, , Race and Authority in Urban Politics, pp. 39–43Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Katznelson, Black Men, White Cities, chap. 5.

¹⁵ Helfgot, Joseph, “Professional Reform Organizations and the Symbolic Representation of the Poor,” American Sociological Review, 39 (08, 1974), 475–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Crozier, Michel defines the term in The Bureaucratic Phenomenon (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Brooklyn No. 4 (Bushwick), Brooklyn No. 8 (Crown Heights), Manhattan No. 12 (Washington Heights), Bronx No. 13 (Wakefield-Edenwald), and Queens No. 14 (Rockaways).

¹⁸ Brooklyn No. 5 (East New York), Bronx No. 5 (Grand Concourse), and Queens No. 3 (Jackson Heights).

¹⁹ More detailed information is provided in Norman Fainstein and Susan Fainstein, “Political Representation and the Urban District,” paper presented at the 1975 meeting of the American Sociological Association, and in Friedman, Nathalie and Golding, Naomi, “Urban Residents and Neighborhood Government: Profile of the Public in Seven Urban Neighborhoods of New York City” (New York: Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia University, 06 1973)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Empirical evidence and a theoretical discussion of the concept of ideology versus operational or procedural beliefs is provided by McClosky, Herbert, “Consensus and Ideology in American Politics,” American Political Science Review, 58 (1964), 361–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ The only service with a ranking that differs significantly depending on the race of leaders is police protection. Presumably this may be explained by minority leaders assigning a much higher priority to controlling the police because of their greater interest in changing current police practices.

²² Eisinger, Peter K., “Racial Differences in Protest Participation,” American Political Science Review, 68 (06 1974), 592–606CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ The percentage of white specialists most supportive of community control of schools is identical to the percentage of all minority leaders in this category. There is no difference between minority specialists and other minority leaders, however. From additional analyses, we also know that white specialists and nonspecialists do not differ from each other in their support for community control over other city services. Moreover, the relationship between specialization and support for community control over the institution with which leaders are most familiar does not hold for other city services.

²⁴ It does not tell us whether our sample of white specialists has increased its level of support from what it was prior to 1969, or whether there has been selective recruitment into the educational arena of whites who favor community control of schools. If viewed with caution, however, the data do seem to describe a cleavage which results from situational experience with, or vested interests in, actual programs.

²⁵ The following data are drawn from Fainstein et al., “Community Leadership and the Office of Neighborhood Government. …”

²⁶ Banfield, Edward C. and Wilson, James Q., City Politics (Cambridge: Harvard University and M.I.T. Press, 1963)Google Scholar.

²⁷ A more extended analysis is provided in Fainstein, Susan S. and Fainstein, Norman I.. “From the Folks Who Brought You Ocean Hill-Brownsville,” New York Affairs 2, No. 2 (1974), 104–115Google Scholar.

²⁸ Fainstein and LaSpina, “District Service Cabinets and the Office of Neighborhood Government,” part II.

²⁹ Mayor's, Advisory Panel on Decentralization of the New York City Schools (Bundy Commission), Reconnection for Learning (New York: Praeger, 1967)Google Scholar.

³⁰ See Fainstein, and Fainstein, , Urban Political Movements, pp. 31–36Google Scholar; Clark, Kenneth and Hopkins, Jeanette, A Relevant War Against Poverty (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), p. 65Google Scholar; Vanecko, James J., “Community Mobilization and Institutional Change: The Influence of the Community Action Program in Large Cities,” in Planned Social Intervention, ed. Zurcher, Louis A. (New York: Chandler, 1970), p. 270Google Scholar.

³¹ Piven argues that coöptation of dissidents, increases in welfare spending, and the lessened political power of the cities vis-à-vis the suburbs all mean that the Democratic party in the future will not feel compelled to pay attention to the black urban masses. Piven, Frances Fox, “The Urban Crisis: Who Got What, and Why?” in Cloward, and Piven, , The Politics of Turmoil, pp. 338–9Google Scholar. Her premise is that ghetto activism forced responses, rather than government programs creating activism, as Moynihan has argued. Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding (New York: Free Press, 1969), pp. 134–5Google Scholar. An alternative view is that the two factors, programs for the poor and activism by the poor, are interactive and intensify each other, even while coöptative tendencies are also at work. Fainstein and Fainstein, pp. 231–3.

³² Wilson, James Q., Negro Politics (New York: Free Press, 1960), chap. 8Google Scholar.

³³ See Spero, Sterling D. and Capozzola, John M., The Urban Community and its Unionized Bureaucracies (New York: Dunellen, 1973)Google Scholar; The American Assembly, Public Workers and Public Unions, ed. Zagoria, Sam (Englewood Cliffs. N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Long, Norton E., “The Local Community as an Ecology of Games.” American Journal of Sociology, 64 (11 1958), 251–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Dahl, Robert A., A Preface to Democratic Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956), p. 137Google Scholar.

³⁶ See Wolff, Robert Paul, The Poverty of Liberalism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968)Google Scholar.

³⁷ See Dorothy Buckton James, “The Limits of Liberal Reform”; Ira Katznelson, “Antagonistic Ambiguity: Notes of Reformism and Decentralization”; and James, Dorothy Buckton, “Response,” Politics and Society, 2 (Spring 1972), 309–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar. We provide a policy-oriented analysis in Fainstein, Susan S. and Fainstein, Norman I., “Local Control as Social Reform: Planning for Big Cities in the Seventies,” Journal of the American Institute of Planners (07 1976), 275–285CrossRefGoogle Scholar.