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Care-leavers – those transitioning from alternative care towards young adulthood – are widely recognized as a vulnerable population, yet child protection legislation seldom applies to them because they have reached adulthood. Despite this, little internationally comparative research on care-leaving policy and legislation has been conducted. This paper maps multinational policy and legislation and its impact on the services to care-leavers and the challenges they experience. An online survey was conducted with key informants in 36 countries and analysed by a multinational team of care-leaving scholars. Findings reveal that few countries have well-developed care-leaving legislation. Most countries provide little aftercare beyond the age of 18, even when legislation provides for it. Within the context of suboptimal social policy and limited aftercare services, findings also reveal high vulnerability among care-leavers. Recommendations for policy development, global dialogue, further research and advocacy are proposed.
Chapter 2 discuss the roles that rituals, gatherings, and confrontation played in the rising popularity of these groups during the mid-twentieth century. Through analyzing multiple rituals, ranging from a protest on the streets to a Ping-Pong tournament at the group headquarters, I argue that through gathering, these groups produced a space – symbolic and physical – within the public sphere to practice their identity and recruit new members. However, autonomy was not easily won, as organizations were the site of surveillance and repression by the Ottoman, French colonial, and early independence state. After analyzing multiple types of gatherings and state control over them, Chapter 2 focuses on two episodes of street and state violence: one in the 1930s between the Kataʾib and French security forces, and one in the 1950s between the Progressive Socialist Party and Lebanese security forces. Following these clashes, these groups mobilized a history of violence in yearly events commemorating the battles. All popular organizations had confrontation narratives and rituals, and as a by-product, embedded violence – or at least struggle – within group culture. While being mindful not to essentialize violence within these groups, this point helps to foreshadow how they could conceive violent practices under extreme circumstances and threats.
Chapter 3 explores the expansion of membership beyond the core demographics of these groups during the 1940s and 1950s. I argue that these groups encouraged the political socialization of new groups and categories of people in new places. By setting up organizational outposts throughout the country, establishing wings for marginalized populations, and connecting the group with relevant populations outside Lebanon, these organizations started to incorporate the countryside, young women, and émigrés into national and regional politics. In turn, this chapter finds that these groups expand the notion of who constituted “youth,” and accordingly, they played a significant, albeit not exclusive, role in solidifying mass, youth politics in Lebanon and the broader Middle East. And although these groups were building a cosmopolitan base in many ways, they were circumscribed by the national, sociopolitical system (whereby sect determined how, or if, people could participate in official politics) in Lebanon, and linked class, gender, and regional inequalities. In turn, contradictions emerged within groups, including membership distinctions between the middle-class, male, urban ideal, and everyone else. Furthermore, competition between these groups played out in terms of overlapping claims of who was – and was not – deemed as backward, or in some cases, “sectarian.”
Chapter 4 examines what transformed popular organizations from allies to enemies in the late 1950s. On one side of the conflict were those groups against the government and Lebanese President Camille Chamoun. They included the Progressive Socialist Party, Najjadeh, Lebanese Communist Party, and the Arab Nationalist Youth. In speeches, petitions, and articles, these groups claimed that Chamoun’s recent actions in domestic and foreign policy were authoritarian, represented a threat to sovereign Lebanon, and were grounds for armed revolution. On the other side were the Kataʾib and Syrian Social Nationalist Party. They made the point that foreign interference from Syria and Egypt, and its leftist sponsors in Lebanon (most notably, the Progressive Socialist Party), challenged Lebanon’s sovereignty, the constitution, and their group. Given that defending Lebanon and its sovereignty was not, at least in the eyes of multiple popular organizations, sectarian, Chapter 4 represents a need to rethink sectarianism among sociopolitical actors in and beyond 1958. Indeed, whether groups had clear sect majorities (the Kataʾib and Najjadeh) or not (the Syrian Social Nationalist Party and Lebanese Communist Party), I argue that their perspectives before the conflict were quite complex, linked to multiple factors, and cannot be reduced to sectarianism alone.
The introduction sketches the history of youth politics and youth-centric organizations in modern Lebanon (what I refer to as “popular organizations”), and the fields of study that they are linked to, including popular politics, populism, young people, and sectarianism.
Chapter 5 analyzes the dynamics of the fighting itself, starting in the summer months of 1958. First, it takes up the place of ritual in the 1958 War. By focusing on the Kataʾib’s shift, from the sidelines to frontlines, I argue that routine practices linked to youth belonging, play, and order were mobilized to perform violence. More broadly, whether it was singing a group anthem at an initiation ceremony before battle or marching in a funeral procession for a fallen fighter, popular organizations of all shades mobilized the youth cultures that were cultivated over past decades to win Lebanon. Chapter 5 also discusses several fronts of the war, including the final battle in Beirut between the Kataʾib and Najjadeh. While some scholars contend this phase was one of sectarian bloodletting, the reality was more complex. Neither side used exclusively sectarian discourse to describe other popular organizations. Instead, they deployed coded language, describing their enemies as maddened punks. This reality leads to Winning Lebanon’s main conclusion on sectarianism and sectarian violence. In the course of this conflict, youth, or youthfulness, terms with little connection to sect, became linked to sectarian violence, in practice and discursively, a trend that continued beyond 1958.
Chapter 1 explores the architecture and architects of youth politics in mid-twentieth-century Lebanon. It moves chronologically from the 1920s to 1950s, describing the historical background of multiple popular organizations, and taking an individual group as a means to explore one theme in the construction of youth politics – that is, building a group culture, flair and feel, and organizational capacity among youth-centric organizations. I argue that these groups were collectively the shapers of a distinct manifestation of popular politics in the Middle East, what I refer to as populism. This trend found its earliest expression with the Lebanese People’s Party in the 1920s, continued with youth organizations like the Najjadeh in the 1930s, and culminated with transnational student groups like the Arab Nationalist Youth in the 1950s. Using the source material of these groups, I find that although they were deploying radically different worldviews to win Lebanon, based on the different, competing ideologies of the time – Arab nationalism, Lebanese nationalism, international socialism – there was more continuity than difference between these groups in their early years. They all channeled anger with colonial rule, the complicity of Lebanese elites in this subjugation, and used a discourse of populism to launch public awareness and protest.
The epilogue of the book explores this legacy and makes a call for more research on the 1958 War, both as a rupture point in modern Middle East history, and as a site for understanding global, disruptive, youth politics.
Hidden hunger is widespread in India. Individual dietary diversity score (IDDS) is a measure of the nutrient adequacy of the diet. The Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) has set guidelines for measurement of dietary diversity: the IDDS and the minimum dietary diversity score for women (MDD-W) to assess nutritional deficiency but validation against nutritional biomarkers is required. Using available data among rural youth (17 years) from the Pune Maternal Nutrition Study (PMNS) the validity of DDS was assessed to measure deficiencies of vitamin B12, folate and haemoglobin. Of the 355 boys and 305 girls 19% were classified as underweight, 57% as B12 deficient (<150pmol/L) and 22% as anaemic (<12/13g/dL). Cereals, legumes and ‘other-vegetables’ were the most frequently consumed foods. More boys than girls consumed milk, flesh, eggs, and micronutrient-dense foods. Median IDDS 4(3,4 IQR) and MDD-W 6(5,7) were low. Youth with B12 deficiency had a higher likelihood of an IDDS≤4 (1.89 95%CI 1.24,2.87) or a MDD-W≤5 (1.40 95%CI 1.02, 1.94). Youth with anaemia were more likely to have an IDDS ≤4 (1.76 95%CI 1.01,3.14) adjusted for socio-economic scores, body mass index, calorie intake and sex. Folate deficiency was low (3%) and was not associated with either score. Youth with lowest plasma-B12 and haemoglobin infrequently or never consumed dairy/non-vegetarian foods. These rural Indian youth were underweight, had low DDS and consumed foods low in good quality proteins and micronutrients. Associations of DDS with circulating micronutrients indicate that DDS is a valid measure to predict B12 deficiency and anaemia.
The chapter continues the previous chapter’s discussion of the role of Christianity as part of the national narrative and the Ethiopian state’s expansionism, elucidating how the people in the southeast responded to this. In arguing that this heightened the religious dimension of antagonistic relations, the chapter underscores that acknowledging the religious dimension is imperative for the understanding of conflictual landscapes in the Horn. The chapter analyzes how the physical environment of the lowlanders was crucial for the insurgency, wherein their mobility exposed them to different currents of resistance emerging in the Horn of Africa in the 1960s. It subsequently discusses the content and nature of these currents, focusing in particular on the role of the nascent independent Somali state and Somali insurgencies having direct and indirect impacts on the Bale insurgency. A main argument in the chapter is that while the Bale insurgency and others were not directly controlled by the Somalis, the latter played an important role by presenting themselves as liberators of fellow Muslims groups across the Horn.
Few studies have derived data-driven dietary patterns in youth in the United States (US). This study examined data-driven dietary patterns and their associations with BMI measures in predominantly low-income, racial/ethnic minority US youth. Data were from baseline assessments of the four Childhood Obesity Prevention and Treatment Research (COPTR) Consortium trials: NET-Works (N=534; 2–4-year-olds), GROW (N=610; 3–5-year-olds), GOALS (N=241; 7–11-year-olds), and IMPACT (N=360; 10–13-year-olds). Weight and height were measured. Children/adult proxies completed 3 24-hour dietary recalls. Dietary patterns were derived for each site from 24 food/beverage groups using k-means cluster analysis. Multivariable linear regression models examined associations of dietary patterns with BMI and percentage of the 95th BMI percentile. Healthy (produce and whole grains) and Unhealthy (fried food, savory snacks, and desserts) patterns were found in NET-Works and GROW. GROW additionally had a dairy and sugar-sweetened beverage based pattern. GOALS had a similar Healthy pattern and a pattern resembling a traditional Mexican diet. Associations between dietary patterns and BMI were only observed in IMPACT. In IMPACT, youth in the Sandwich (cold cuts, refined grains, cheese, and miscellaneous [e.g., condiments]) compared to Mixed (whole grains and desserts) cluster had significantly higher BMI [β=0.99 (95% CI: 0.01, 1.97)] and percentage of the 95th BMI percentile [β=4.17 (95% CI: 0.11, 8.24)]. Healthy and Unhealthy patterns were the most common dietary patterns in COPTR youth, but diets may differ according to age, race/ethnicity, or geographic location. Public health messages focused on healthy dietary substitutions may help youth mimic a dietary pattern associated with lower BMI.
Child soldiers are often viewed as a contemporary, “new war” phenomenon, but international concern about their use first emerged in response to anti-colonial liberation struggles. Youth were important actors in anti-colonial insurgencies, but their involvement has been neglected in existing historiographies of decolonization and counterinsurgency due to the absence and marginalization of youth voices in colonial archives. This article analyses the causes of youth insurgency and colonial counterinsurgency responses to their involvement in conflict between ca. 1945 and 1960, particularly comparing Kenya and Cyprus, but also drawing on evidence from Malaya, Indochina/Vietnam, and Algeria. It employs a generational lens to explore the experiences of “youth insurgents” primarily between the ages of twelve and twenty. Youth insurgents were most common where the legitimate grievances of youth were mobilized by anti-colonial groups who could recruit children through colonial organizations as well as family and social networks. While some teenagers fought due to coercion or necessity, others were politically motivated and willing to risk their lives for independence. Youth soldiers served in multiple capacities in insurgencies, from protestors to couriers to armed fighters, in roles that were shaped by multiple logics: the need for troop fortification and sustained manpower; the tactical exploitation of youth liminality, and the symbolic mobilization of childhood and discourses of childhood innocence. Counterinsurgency responses to youthful insurgents commonly combined violence and development, highlighting tensions within late colonial governance: juveniles were beaten, detained, and flogged, but also constructed as “delinquents” rather than “terrorists” to facilitate their subsequent “rehabilitation.”
Chapter 3 turns to the culture of the early reform period to examine three films – Youth (Qingchun, 1977) and Venus (Qimingxing, 1991), directed by Xie Jin (1923–2008), as well as Mother (Mama, 1991) directed by Zhang Yuan (b. 1963). Youth marked the first major reappearance of disability in mainstream culture and provides the starting point for an examination of the return of disability to the screen. While the chapter demonstrates that these new representations continued to reflect notions of difference, and that even children were expected to ‘overcome’ their impairments to make a contribution to ‘mainstream’ society, it also reveals the significance of personal motives (for example, those of Xie Jin, himself the father of two children with learning impairments) in bringing disability back into the public eye. We see the difficulties of moving beyond the ‘personal tragedy’ narrative even when disabled people and their families have the opportunity to represent their understandings of what it means to be disabled. The particular vulnerability of children as shown in these films, equally, works to reassure the able-bodied gaze that ideologies of normalcy remain intact and unchallenged.
This chapter examines higher education opportunities and inequalities encountered by recently arrived immigrants in the United States. Through the portrait of one recently arrived Syrian youth in the United States, the chapter examines experiences of public education, particularly within the context of community college, an important social institution for newly arrived newcomer youth to the United States. The authors develop a conceptual framework that situates newcomers’ educational and life experiences at the intersections of a sense of self, belonging and purpose. Rarely do educational institutions recognise the confluences of these different factors, address newcomer youth’s pre-arrival experiences and educational trajectories or provide explicit support to navigate the socio-cultural scripts young people experiencing forced migration confront in unfamiliar host societies. The chapter argues that the obligation for building caring, inclusive and welcoming communities rests not only on newcomers but equally on long-time residents, particularly those within higher educational institutions. With community colleges and other higher education institutions in the United States poised to educate increasingly diverse student populations in the near future, this chapter begins filling gaps in understandings to enable higher education programmes that develop newcomer youths’ sense of self, belonging and purpose in connection with their academic institutions.
Sources for children in early Egyptian monasteries are primarily textual. This chapter discusses the terms used to refer to children in monastic documents from Egypt written in Greek and Coptic. The language is often ambiguous, with terms that can refer to child or enslaved person in Greek, and terms in Coptic that may refer to familial relationships (sons and daughters) or monastic status or rank (new monks) or age (minor children). A methodology is established for assessing the presence of minor children and adolescents based on the language of the written sources.
One in every hundred Romani youth enters higher education in Europe. To justify this educational dearth, policymakers, scholars and practitioners have often reproduced the same racecraft about Roma: they form part of an inferior culture that does not value education. This racist ideology has not only fed a false moral justification but also buried any potential sense of concern and urgency among policymakers regarding the dramatic underrepresentation of Roma in higher education. In this chapter, we argue that public education has historically been an institution designed for gadje (non-Roma) (although less so for gadjo girls and the poor), while Romani children and youth, seen as ‘inferior and nomadic others’, have had no functional option for quality education and even less for higher education. We explore patterns of exclusion, fear, racism and racialised poverty. We show that schools and universities today remain highly unwelcoming for Romani children and youth, failing in large measure to address pervasive structural racism or to advance inclusion and equity. We conclude that education reform needs to start by dismantling the racecraft of ‘inferiority’ from ideology, policies and practice.
In Canada, lack of permanent immigration status affects migrant students’ ability to seek rights in different settings, producing unsafe conditions and increasing the possibility of deportation. One example of these settings is schooling, as youth who hold precarious immigration status are regularly excluded from higher education. This access issue is widespread and invisibilised across the country. In this chapter, we draw from interviews with migrant students who participated in an Access Project at York University in Toronto to discuss the interlocking barriers precarious status migrants experience due to their immigration status. We specifically focus on one aspect of the Access Project, a bridging course that facilitated students’ entry to higher education by discussing immigration-related content and acquainting them with university procedures. We propose that the bridging course can be understood as a counterspace, where students redefine their narratives by creating counterstories within the university that challenge anti-migrant discourse and political context in their lives.
The first twenty-two years of Beethoven’s life were spent at the electoral court in Bonn, a formative period significantly under-explored by scholarship. Drawing on extensive documentary and musical evidence, this essay reveals that musical life at the court under Elector Maximilian Franz was one of the most active in Europe, one in which Beethoven was fully absorbed.
This chapter examines the construction of male sexuality in early Egyptian monasticism, focusing on the Sayings of the Desert Fathers (Apophthegmata Patrum) and the rules from various monasteries. The masculine ascetic ideal builds upon certain classical ideals of masculinity, especially the control of the passions, but purports to eschew classical models of eroticism in which the adolescent male represents the ideal sexual partner. These sources are designed to be recited or retold as edifying texts; despite their overt disavowal of sexual contact between men and boys, their retelling and rereading keeps homoeroticism and the representation of boys as sexually desirable objects alive in the ascetic imagination.
School psychologists play a vital role in the mental health and well-being of students and are often tasked with establishing the assessment and intervention plans for reducing the severity of mental health difficulties, including suicidal behavior. With suicide the second-leading cause of death for middle and high school students, school psychologists need to be familiar with what their role is in recommending and providing suicide prevention and intervention programs within a multitiered systems of support (MTSS) framework. This chapter provides an overview of the problem of adolescent suicidal behavior (“what to know”), while also providing specific recommendations (“what to do”) for suicide prevention/intervention programs within each tier of the MTSS. Finally, this chapter includes specific guidelines for implementing “suicide postvention” (after a death due to suicide) procedures, in hopes of reducing the likelihood of another death due to suicide.