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This paper addresses the phenomenology of emotion dysregulation, focusing on borderline personality disorder (BPD). We emphasize how (a) emotions ordinarily arise within the context of a structured experiential world, (b) emotions play a role in maintaining, repairing, and reshaping that world, and (c) both the world's stability and the workings of emotion processes depend on our being able to relate to other people in certain ways. We go on to show how, if (a), (b), and (c) are accepted, emotion dysregulation (of the kind associated with BPD) is implied by a way of experiencing and relating to the social world as whole. Hence, it is not to be conceived of simply as a matter of disordered emotion. Rather, it involves emotions operating upon a disordered world. Furthermore, given that other people play essential roles in sustaining a structured, practically meaningful world and regulating the emotions that arise within it, emotion regulation and dysregulation turn out to be interpersonal, rather than wholly intrapersonal, in structure.
Much research on contentious politics focuses on the origins and dynamics of contention or the impact of contention on policy change. Although some studies have delved into the state reactions to contention, relatively little is known about the outcome or effectiveness of state responses, especially in non-democratic settings. This paper attempts to fill this gap and to uncover the policy feedback effect in non-democratic settings by studying the Chinese state's repression of violent incidents targeted at healthcare personnel and facilities (yinao). I argue that without comprehensive healthcare reforms to tackle the root causes of yinao, state repression of yinao generates unintended adverse outcomes, causing the doctor–patient relationship to deteriorate. Using the difference-in-differences method with China Family Panel Studies data for 2014 and 2016, I find that the criminalization of yinao diminishes public trust in doctors and confidence in hospitals’ competence and instead increases public concerns about the healthcare system.
Lawyers wear many hats and engage in a range of diverse, specialised work. However, regardless of the hat they wear or area of law they practice, a lawyer’s basic role is almost always the same: to provide legal services to a client. Whether appearing as an advocate in court, providing advice, preparing documents or any of the other countless services a lawyer may provide, the lawyer–client relationship is the jumping-off point.
During the War in China (1937–1945), the Japanese military combined warfare with the maintenance of a military occupation. To sustain its tentative grasp over the occupied territories, the Japanese military vied to cultivate trust among the local population. This was a challenging task in the midst of a violent war which as many historical works described was accompanied by brutal war crimes. A less explored aspect of the occupation was medical care. This article unfolds this history by analysing medical encounters between Japanese military medics and military affiliated agents, and members of the local population in the rural Chinese countryside. Testimonies reveal that these encounters – some spontaneous and others deliberate – were small moments of humanity and benevolence within a violent environment. Concomitantly, they demonstrate the overarching tension in this unequal encounter and the use of medicine as a pacifying tool that also served as means to build and maintain the occupation through the transference of medical trust towards the military at large. Thus, this article presents a different aspect of the role of trust and distrust in medical care, as well as expanding the analysis of medicine as a ‘tool of empire’ to the context of military occupation.
The historian can glimpse prison networks, and connections between incarcerated participant women, at points where their activities clashed with prison regulations. Evidence of prison exchange networks was revealed when collusion was reported to officials, when illicit material goods were discovered on bodies or in cells, or when gossip about another inmate or staff member reached staff ears. Chapter 4 interrogates information and material goods transactions to discover the workings of networks and relationships behind bars. It offers an insight into ways the prison economy could facilitate networks that enabled women of different ages, backgrounds and circumstances to connect. The chapter is divided into three distinct sections. The first examines the exchange of information in prison, the second focuses on material goods networks, and the third considers how exchanges of information and goods impacted power relations and hierarchies. Evidence of female networks and partnerships indicates convict ingenuity and enterprise, cooperation and collusion. The prison thus offers a snapshot of nineteenth-century Irish society and a glimpse of (predominantly lower-class) female networks and relationships. This chapter demonstrates that in prison, as on the outside, community networks and cooperation were vital for social and economic survival.
In 2002, India embarked on a plan to promote itself for investment, trade, and tourism with its “Incredible India” campaign, which brought together every possible government sector to market the nation. Now, after a huge influx of multinational products and shopping malls that feature them, global capitalism has transformed India’s commercial culture. “Brandism” has arrived. The bazaar, however, is a site of resistance and mediation to this process. It is an economic and moral system, where products and people are entangled in complex networks, creating, disciplining, and sacralizing various moods and modes of behavior. This is especially the case within the bazaars of the Pakka Mahal in Banaras - a center for religion, culture, and commerce for millennia. Based on nearly two decades of research in these bazaars, my chapter examines the logic and practice of what I call “Bazaarism,” with a focus on the role of reputation and trust in creating solidarities.
This chapter studies the operation of trust on financial markets in the North Indian city of Banaras (Varanasi). It emphasizes an interpretation of trust on markets as an artifact and artifice based on an experiential category of practical knowledge used to handle exchange under conditions of high uncertainty, and identifies two distinct patterns in its handling, marked as procedural and reputational registers of (handling) trust. The first case analyzes the difficulties faced by locally operating banks in the mid-twentieth century to shift from reputational to procedural registers of handling trust, using banking advertisements and other archived material. The second case outlines the shifts in the manner reputational registers of trust are used in extra-legal money lending in the wake of Indian legislation against these financial practices, contrasting an ethnographic study of contemporary practices to historical sources on money lending in the first half of the twentieth century.
A large existing literature points to a cooperative advantage within groups: if individuals share a common group identity, they tend to work together, based on a common sense of trust, extended to all group members even if they are strangers otherwise. This group-based trust appears to be naturally occurring whenever a shared group identity is commonly known among group members and salient to them. The argument is made that this group-based trust can serve as an effective substitute for more generalized feelings of trust (in “most people”) to support collective action on a similarly large scale. The concept of Islam as a group identity is developed, in contrast to traditional definitions of Islam as a personal faith, and an argument is made that regular participation in religious group activities should be used as an indicator for this Islamic identity. The empirical distinction between personal religiosity and religious identity is illustrated in data from Turkey and across the Muslim world. In addition, the validity of group activities as an indicator of Islamic identity and in-group trust is tested and confirmed.
If apathy, risk, and information cannot explain the participation gap in the Muslim world, then what accounts for lower levels of political and economic activity in the region? The alternative theory that is developed here focuses squarely on interpersonal trust. It identifies two key conditions -- interdependence and uncertainty -- that, when met, make cooperation and coordination trust dependent. Different types of interpersonal trust are able to sustain collective action at different scales, with the broadest forms of cooperation and coordination requiring trust that is non-particularized, or not based on direct previous experience with the entrusted. Levels of trust and trustworthiness in the Muslim world are assessed, and the region is found to have high levels of honesty, but significantly less interpersonal trust. In contrast to some existing theories arguing that this distrust is culturally determined and unable to change, I find evidence that low trust expectations can indeed be updated. This speaks to the potential for collective action in the Muslim world, based on the high levels of trustworthiness there, if only individuals can learn to trust one another.
The move to a more digital, more mobile, and more platform-dominated media environment represents a change to the institutions and infrastructures of free expression and a form of “democratic creative destruction” that challenges incumbent institutions, creates new ones, and in many ways empowers individual citizens, even as this change also leaves both individuals and institutions increasingly dependent on a few large US-based technology companies and subjects many historically disadvantaged groups to more abuse and harassment online. This chapter aims to step away from assessing the democratic implications of the internet on the basis of individual cases, countries, or outcomes, but rather to focus on how structural changes in the media are intertwined with changes in democratic politics.
What can explain the rapid rise of Islamic politics in Turkey, a historically secular country? Many observers assume that the success and sustained popularity of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) reflects a religious resurgence in Turkey. But when this presumption is directly tested, evidence indicates that Turkish piety may actually be declining over time. This highlights the importance of statistical tests, leveraging variation across individuals, space, or time: they have the potential to overturn widely held assumptions and reopen key questions about the world around us. In finding no evidence of a religious resurgence in Turkey, an alternative explanation is needed. I introduce my trust-based theory of Islamic mobilization, explaining how references to Islam prime feelings of trust among those with a salient religious group identity, and how this group-based trust operates as an effective substitute for more generalized feelings of interpersonal trust, which are largely absent in Turkey and in many other Muslim countries. I contrast my trust-based theory with existing theories of Islamic-based politics and economics and preview the findings of the book, wherein I dismiss the existing explanations and offer support for mine.
If there is no evidence of a religious resurgence in Turkey, what can explain the rise and sustained success of Islamic-based parties there? To understand the popularity of Islamic parties, like the AKP, a broader view of the Turkish electoral system as warranted: alongside the rise of the AKP came a sharp decline in electoral volatility -- vote swings between parties from election to election -- and in the share of votes that were wasted, cast for parties that failed to secure a seat in a given district. I argue that these two trends are not coincidental but are both based on matters of trust: low levels of interpersonal trust makes it difficult for voters within districts to vote strategically and successfully coordinate their individual votes into meaningful outcomes; but this trust problem is effectively solved within religious voters, to the comparative advantage of Islamic parties. Moreover, the ability of religious voters to coordinate their support for Islamic parties, and to do so consistently, helps to make these parties an attractive target for strategic votes from distrusting, conservative voters, even if they are secular. Analysis of panel data from the Turkish case provides empirical support for both hypotheses.
The conclusion begins by exploring questions of internal and external validity. In the latter case, the concept of religious group identity is applied to faiths other than Islam and is found to extend to other egalitarian faiths, including Judaism and Buddhism. In addition, cross-national data on vote volatility confirm that the trust problem in voter coordination extends beyond the Turkish case. Delving into some out-of-sample predictions, I consider where in the Muslim world Islamic groups might be particularly successful, based on a combination of low trust and salient Islamic identity. I also explore what might explain the strange combination of low trust and high honesty in Muslim countries. To address this trust deficit, I suggest that over-bearing institutions may play a key role in not allowing citizens to learn who among them can really be trusted. Finally, I consider what factors from within my theory could explain the eventual decline of Islamic-based groups, in Turkey and elsewhere, before posing some questions for future lines of inquiry.
The importance of interpersonal trust for participation in mass politics has been established in some contexts, but rarely in the developing world, and the mechanism linking trust to participation has not be well specified. In this chapter, the link between trust and participation is defined in terms of interdependence, on the one hand, and uncertainty, on the other. Based on this, participation levels are expected to be lower for individuals who generally distrust others and higher for those with a salient religious group identity. Moreover, religious group identity is expected to bolster participation because group-based trust operates as an effective substitute for generalized trust, where it is absent. The hypotheses are tested using survey responses from twenty-four Muslim countries, and evidence is found in support of each. Finally, the theory is extended to explain how repression impacts the advantage of Islamic-based political movements: in contrast to existing theories, which hold that repression should effectively sideline Islamic groups, I illustrate how increased repression bolsters the Islamic advantage by making trust even more important for political participation.
In much of the Muslim world, Islamic political and economic movements appear to have a comparative advantage. Relative to similar secular groups, they are better able to mobilize supporters and sustain their cooperation long-term. Nowhere is this more apparent than in Turkey, a historically secular country that has experienced a sharp rise in Islamic-based political and economic activity. Drawing on rich data sources and econometric methods, Avital Livny challenges existing explanations - such as personal faith - for the success of these movements. Instead, Livny shows that the Islamic advantage is rooted in feelings of trust among individuals with a shared, religious group-identity. This group-based trust serves as an effective substitute for more generalized feelings of interpersonal trust, which are largely absent in many Muslim-plurality countries. The book presents a new argument for conceptualizing religion as both a personal belief system and collective identity.
Political parties share a very bad reputation in most European countries. This paper provides an interpretation of this sentiment, reconstructing the downfall of the esteem in which parties were held and their fall since the post-war years up to present. In particular, the paper focuses on the abandonment of the parties' founding ‘logic of appropriateness’ based, on the one hand, on the ethics for collective engagement in collective environments for collective aims and, on the other hand, on the full commitment of party officials. The abandonment of these two aspects has led to a crisis of legitimacy that mainstream parties have tried to counteract in ways that have proven ineffective, as membership still declines and confidence still languishes. Finally, the paper investigates whether the new challenger parties in France, Italy and Spain have introduced organizational and behavioural changes that could eventually reverse disaffection with the political party per se.
Chapter 3 develops the information economy framework by invoking two additional resources: the concept of a speech-act from philosophy of language, and the concept of joint agency from action theory. The chapter also vindicates a prominent anti-reductionist theme: that the interpersonal relation of trust plays an essential role in testimonial knowledge. The central idea is that knowledge transmission essentially involves a kind of joint agency, characterized by a special sort of cooperation between speaker and hearer, and that joint agency essentially involves relations of trust between the cooperating agents. In addition, it is argued that the kind of joint agency involved in knowledge transmission essentially involves the speech-act of “telling.” The central idea is that a successful telling requires that the speaker intends to pass on knowledge to the hearer, and that the hearer understands that this is the speaker’s intention. It follows that a successful telling involves the kinds of “shared intention” and “common understanding” that are a characteristic of joint agency.
Chapter 1 begins by invoking an intuitive distinction between the generation of knowledge and the transmission of knowledge. Very roughly, generation concerns coming to know “for oneself,” as when one reasons to a conclusion on the basis of good evidence. Transmission concerns coming to know “from someone else,” as when one is told by someone else who knows. Section 1.1 argues that some but not all testimony is at the service of knowledge transmission, with the result that some but not all testimonial knowledge is transmitted knowledge. Section 1.2 redraws some familiar categories in the epistemology of testimony so as to better characterize our target and related phenomena, better frame our questions, and better see the possible answers. Finally, a central thesis of the book is introduced and discussed: that knowledge transmission is irreducible to knowledge generation, and for that reason requires its own theoretical treatment. More specifically, it is argued that an adequate account of transmission must go beyond the usual theoretical resources of traditional epistemology – that is, beyond those resources that the tradition uses to theorize knowledge generation.
How do we transmit or distribute knowledge, as distinct from generating or producing it? In this book John Greco examines the interpersonal relations and social structures which enable and inhibit the sharing of knowledge within and across epistemic communities. Drawing on resources from moral theory, the philosophy of language, action theory and the cognitive sciences, he considers the role of interpersonal trust in transmitting knowledge, and argues that sharing knowledge involves a kind of shared agency similar to giving a gift or passing a ball. He also explains why transmitting knowledge is easy in some social contexts, such as those involving friendship or caregiving, but impossible in contexts characterized by suspicion and competition rather than by trust and cooperation. His book explores phenomena that have been undertheorized by traditional epistemology, and throws new light on existing problems in social epistemology and the epistemology of testimony.