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Inequality is a major global issue, destroying the social cohesion necessary for stability and security, the subject of Sustainable Development Goal 10. Poverty results from failures of redistribution within the economic system, stagnating wages, chronic unemployment and lack of opportunity, while less attention has been paid to the increasing global wealth going to the already wealthy as returns on capital, producing a social backlash. A new multilateral specialized agency should be created within the reformed UN system specifically to address growing economic inequality and to promote more equitable distribution of the world’s resources. While some countries have advanced, inequality between states remains a long-term problem, with development aid failing to address root causes. Various options and policies are available to redress global inequality between and within countries, including progressive taxation, employment creation, gender equality, a universal basic income and other provisions for social security. Design principles for a more just and sustainable economy are reflected in the UN 2030 Agenda. One priority is to establish a global regulatory framework for social and environmental responsibility in the private sector, creating a level playing field for business. Another is to rethink the global economic and financial architecture.
In this paper we demonstrate on the basis of diachronic and synchronic data from a variety of languages that progressives are particularly liable to be used for the expression of extravagance. We define extravagant language use as a signaling mechanism that consists in the exploitation of an unconventional construction in a given context as a way for speakers to indicate that there is something non-canonical about the situation that they are reporting. Novel constructions naturally lend themselves to such extravagant exploitation, since they are by definition to a certain extent unconventional. This is why, as we will demonstrate, the English, Dutch and French progressives were notably often recruited in extravagant contexts at the onset of their development. However, our synchronic data reveal that Present-day English, Dutch and French progressives continue to be used for extravagant purposes, which suggests that there is something inherent about progressive aspect that makes it liable to such expressive usage. This is confirmed by data from other, typologically diverse languages. We offer a cognitive-semantic analysis in terms of epistemic contingency in order to account for this intrinsic association of progressive aspect and extravagance across languages. Our analysis thus reveals that extravagance is not a transient property of emerging progressives, but that, instead, the semantics of these constructions makes them particularly liable to be recruited for extravagant purposes. It also demonstrates that in order to analyze the range of uses of progressive constructions in a unified fashion, we need to look beyond the temporal import of these constructions.
Individuals with multiple sclerosis (MS) can have difficulty on tasks requiring social cognition, including Theory of Mind (ToM) and facial affect recognition. However, most research on social cognition in MS has focused on Relapsing–Remitting MS; less is known about deficits in individuals with progressive MS. This pilot study examined the social cognitive abilities of individuals with progressive MS on a dynamic social cognition task: The Awareness of Social Inference Test – Short Form (TASIT-S).
Fifteen individuals with progressive MS and 17 healthy controls performed TASIT-S, which includes 3 subtests assessing facial affect recognition and ToM.
The MS group was impaired on all subtests of TASIT-S, including Emotion Evaluation, Social Inference – Minimal, and Social Inference – Enriched, which examine facial affect recognition and ToM. Deficits on TASIT-S were significantly correlated with several cognitive abilities including working memory, learning memory, and verbal IQ.
Our findings suggest individuals with progressive MS were impaired across multiple social cognition domains as assessed by the TASIT-S. Furthermore, social cognitive abilities were related to cognitive abilities such as visuospatial memory and executive abilities. Results are discussed in terms of social cognition deficits in MS and how they relate to cognitive abilities.
Policies that follow from increased awareness of civic friendship are progressive and socially conservative. Each policy—on fair wage, immigration, and national service—fights the current tendency of citizens to “live down” to the low expectations theorists and policymakers have of them. Our theoretical realism fails to account for the role of ideals in our lived experience. Civic friendship helps us avoid the pitfalls of moralizing and reifying market mechanisms, by giving greater attention to the way wages confer honor—as opposed to bodily welfare and comfort. A norm tethering CEOs’ pay to a fixed multiple of the lowest salaried employee helps workers but would also help the wealthy realize their mistake when they seek, through money, honors that can only be won through civic patronage. Patronage as opposed to philanthropy is local, hands-on giving. Patronage often arises within ethnicities and creates social capital out of the ethnocentricity of immigrant groups. The civic capacity of young people could be increased by a compulsory choice between military service and a civilian corps dedicated to public works projects.
This chapter examines the decline of the brothel as a commercial form in the latter decades of the nineteenth century and the recasualization of sex work in the context of women’s changing labor arrangements and the growth of urban leisure culture. Baltimore’s brothels, in keeping with patterns in other US cities, lost their prominence as a sexual labor arrangement as the result of changing land use patterns, new styles of courting, and evolving work and housing arrangements for young laborers. With the rise of new types of urban leisure, young women who sold or traded sex increasingly resorted to concert saloons, dance halls, and amusement parks to solicit men and to furnished room houses to carry out their trysts. Once-taboo forms of sexual exchange became incorporated into the courting and leisure culture of young working people. Brothels, which in many ways reflected an outmoded, domestic model of courtship, had to embrace niche sexual markets in a struggle to compete for labor and customers.
In 1846, Baltimore entrepreneur Johns Hopkins opened a “splendid” set of commercial buildings on the corner of Lombard and Gay Streets, just north of the Patapsco River. Hopkins, who made his fortune first as a country merchant and then as an investor in the railroad, intended the buildings to facilitate the trade that was central to both Baltimore’s economy and his personal wealth. The buildings were practical, but they were also a symbol of the city’s commercial pretensions. In addition to offices and commodious warehouses where merchants and dry goods dealers could keep the variety of products they imported from the countryside and exported through the port of Baltimore, Hopkins funded the construction of a beautifully designed corner hall. The three-story structure, described as one of the “handsomest buildings in the city,” was adorned with numerous ornaments, including a trident of Neptune and a Roman spade that symbolized Baltimore’s links to maritime commerce and agriculture.
This chapter traces the development of the anti-vice and good governance movements that eventually succeeded in securing the closure of Baltimore’s already ailing red-light districts in 1915. The most successful of Baltimore’s anti-vice movements had its origins in evangelical Christianity, but concerns over industrialization, urbanization, and women’s role in the changing economy ensured that it developed a diverse following. Women’s rights organizations, Progressive political reformers, and physician and public health advocates all focused on prostitution as a symbol of the perils of urbanization, economic inequality, and political corruption. The relationship between political reform and anti-vice reform eventually proved to be the most significant one, as reform Democratic and Republican victories in state elections ushered in a period of state support for anti-vice measures. Following the white slavery scare of the 1910s, Maryland’s governor appointed a new Police Board and a state-level anti-vice commission. The combined efforts of the Police Board and the Maryland Vice Commission would ultimately result in the closure of Baltimore’s formerly tolerated brothels.
Global mass migration was one of the most defining features of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era. But so was intense xenophobia. This article offers a new definition of xenophobia and examines how xenophobia helped to drive some of the most defining features of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era, including progressive reform, white supremacy, the expanded capacity and power of the nation-state, and the growth of U.S. global power and influence. It draws a connection to contemporary America, where, under the Trump administration, xenophobia is transforming a wide range of public policies, legitimizing racism and white supremacy, and impacting U.S. foreign relations.
Chapter 6 explores the approach of international actors to child génocidaires and to the Rwandan government’s legal and policy responses to such children. It describes briefly the approach of UN bodies (both non-operational and those with a field presence in Rwanda) and international NGOs. It then details UNICEF Rwanda’s involvement with child génocidaires, examining how it became involved with the issue and providing an overview of its activities. It draws upon specific issues to exemplify how UNICEF Rwanda interpreted and applied international standards in the Rwandan context and illustrates the contention within UNICEF, and the friction between UNICEF Rwanda and other actors over how best to implement the CRC, particularly as regards institutionalisation. It finds that UNICEF Rwanda interpreted the provisions of the CRC (and related instruments) in a non-restrictive way to fit the Rwandan context, relying in particular on the best interests of the child principle, and that this included working progressively towards implementation and compliance and prioritising some rights over others.
Chapter 8 evaluates in detail UNICEF Rwanda’s approach, exploring risks, criticisms and limitations: did interpreting the standards in a context-specific way (which included prioritisation and progressively working towards implementation and compliance) weaken the normative content of the standards? Did UNICEF Rwanda’s broadly collaborative and constructive (rather than coercive) approach risk usurpation, co-option and compromised independence? Responding to these challenges, the chapter finds that UNICEF Rwanda, whilst pragmatic, remained true to child rights principles and retained its independence. The chapter then presents examples of where the empirical data (using process tracing) suggest that UNICEF Rwanda exerted a positive influence on Rwanda’s implementation of, or compliance with, international standards. It also analyses the factors that influenced UNICEF Rwanda (the Rwandan context itself, the nature of the CRC and UNICEF’s institutional particularities) so as to situate its approach in the broader context. The chapter concludes that UNICEF Rwanda’s pragmatic yet principled approach was overall appropriate and achieved some positive results, although there were shortcomings, and that this approach may be an appropriate means of operationalising international juvenile justice standards (or human rights standards more generally) in a post-conflict society.
The logopenic variant of primary progressive aphasia (lvPPA) has disparate pathological and anatomical features when compared to the semantic (svPPA) and non-fluent (nfvPPA) variants of PPA. As such, there is increasing need for measures that improve diagnostic accuracy particularly when etiology-specific treatments become available. In the current study, we used meta-analytic methods to establish the neuropsychological profile of lvPPA and compare it to recent findings in svPPA and nfvPPA.
We extracted neuropsychological data from 51 publications representing 663 lvPPA patients and 1379 controls. We calculated Hedges’ g effect sizes for nine domains of neuropsychological functioning in lvPPA and assessed the influence of demographic, disease, and task characteristics on effect size magnitude. Results obtained in lvPPA were compared to findings in svPPA and nfvPPA.
In lvPPA, the magnitude of deficits in attention, math, visuospatial memory, and executive functioning were as prominent as language deficits. Within the language domain, lvPPA patients demonstrated greater naming than repetition deficits. Compared to svPPA and nfvPPA, lvPPA patients demonstrated greater neuropsychological deficits overall and greater impairment on attention, math, and visual set-shifting tests.
Tests of attention, delayed visuospatial memory, visual set-shifting, and math distinguish lvPPA from svPPA and nfvPPA likely reflecting the posterior temporoparietal atrophy observed early in the course of lvPPA. These findings support the inclusion of these measures in the clinical neuropsychological assessment of lvPPA and underscore the need for additional clinicopathological and longitudinal studies of arithmetic and visuospatial memory across the PPA variants.
The chapter presents the setting in which the FA was born and in which it developed over the years. The combination of the exhaustion of the ISI model, increasing political polarization and the height of the Cold War dramatically determined the political dynamics of the late 1960s and 1970s and engendered a context of increasing authoritarianism and political violence. The fight against increasingly repressive governments was a significant incentive for the new party. Public opposition to the neoliberal agenda of the different governments that succeeded the authoritarian regime (1971–1985) also contributed to the FA’s increasingly successful electoral. In 2005, the FA gained office and won three consecutive national elections with an absolute majority in parliament. It was one of the most successful parties of the so-called “left turn.” During its time in government, the party enacted structural reforms in various policy areas. In terms of socioeconomic reforms, the FA approved a tax reform, a health-care reform, and was one of the two parties of the “left turn” that enacted deep labor market reforms. The FA also pursued a distinctive progressive agenda in the region that led to the legalization of abortion, same-sex marriage, and the liberalization of cannabis use.
Cognitive impairment in multiple sclerosis (MS) has a complex relationship with disease progression and neurodegeneration. The aim of this study was to shed light on the importance of early detection of cognitive impairment in MS patients.
The study comprised two groups of definite MS patients, relapsing remitting multiple sclerosis (RRMS) and secondary progressive multiple sclerosis (SPMS), each with 25 patients. Physical disability was assessed using the Expanded Disability Status Scale (EDSS), while the risk of secondary progression was assessed using the Bayesian Risk Estimate for Multiple Sclerosis (BREMS). Cognitive functions were assessed using the Brief International Cognitive Assessment for Multiple Sclerosis (BICAMS) and Controlled Oral Word Association Test (COWAT). Assessment of neurodegeneration was done using optical coherence tomography (OCT) via quantification of retinal nerve fiber layer (RNFL).
MS patients with higher RNFL thickness demonstrated a larger learning effect size than patients who had lower values in RNFL thickness regardless of MS type. RRMS patients showed significant improvement in delayed recall after giving cues than SPMS. The symbol digit modalities test was the only neuropsychological test that showed a significant negative correlation with EDSS (P = 0.009). There was a statistically significant negative correlation between BREMS scores and performance in all neuropsychological tests.
Inclusion of neurocognitive evaluation in the periodic assessment of MS patients is mandatory to detect patients at increased risk of secondary progression. The thickness of RNFL is suggested as a method to estimate the expected benefit of cognitive rehabilitation, regardless of MS type.
International conventions and domestic laws have been enacted to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women worldwide. However, these progressive policy initiatives have faced opposition in contentious contexts where policy rivals have contested their creation and implementation. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on progressive networks that have led to policy advances, such as violence against women (VAW) policies, while emerging literature has noted their limited impact and implementation. However, there is scant attention paid to one major underlying cause of limited impact and problematic implementation: that there is sustained opposition to these policies by policy rivals that resist and undermine progressive policies. We identify opponents and entrenched opposition to VAW laws in Mexico and Nicaragua in the 1990s and 2010s. We also identify how these opponents leverage ties with the state and utilise ‘family discourse’, framing progressives as anti-family, as strategies and mechanisms for stunting and even reversing VAW laws.
Apolipoprotein E (APOE) E4 is the main genetic risk factor for Alzheimer’s disease (AD). Due to the consistent association, there is interest as to whether E4 influences the risk of other neurodegenerative diseases. Further, there is a constant search for other genetic biomarkers contributing to these phenotypes, such as microtubule-associated protein tau (MAPT) haplotypes. Here, participants from the Ontario Neurodegenerative Disease Research Initiative were genotyped to investigate whether the APOE E4 allele or MAPT H1 haplotype are associated with five neurodegenerative diseases: (1) AD and mild cognitive impairment (MCI), (2) amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, (3) frontotemporal dementia (FTD), (4) Parkinson’s disease, and (5) vascular cognitive impairment.
Genotypes were defined for their respective APOE allele and MAPT haplotype calls for each participant, and logistic regression analyses were performed to identify the associations with the presentations of neurodegenerative diseases.
Our work confirmed the association of the E4 allele with a dose-dependent increased presentation of AD, and an association between the E4 allele alone and MCI; however, the other four diseases were not associated with E4. Further, the APOE E2 allele was associated with decreased presentation of both AD and MCI. No associations were identified between MAPT haplotype and the neurodegenerative disease cohorts; but following subtyping of the FTD cohort, the H1 haplotype was significantly associated with progressive supranuclear palsy.
This is the first study to concurrently analyze the association of APOE isoforms and MAPT haplotypes with five neurodegenerative diseases using consistent enrollment criteria and broad phenotypic analysis.
Progressive education swept across Canada in the early to mid-twentieth century, restructuring schools, introducing new courses, and urging teachers to reorient the classroom to the interests and needs of the learner. The women religious who taught in Vancouver's Catholic schools negotiated the revised public school curriculum, determined to utilize the latest methods and meet public school standards in hopes of receiving government funding. But they were equally adamant about preserving Catholic beliefs regarding human life and resisting “false” philosophy. Despite their caution, progressive education began to transform Catholic pedagogy in this period, most notably in religious education. Looking back over the decades, Catholic educators in the early 1960s would observe that progressive education had brought about a shift in schools that emphasized process over content and self-expression over discipline. They found themselves questioning whether the curriculum undermined revealed knowledge by overemphasizing empirical science as the foundation for all knowledge.
In the context of a prototypical New Keynesian model, this paper examines the theoretical interrelations between two tractable formulations of progressive taxation on labor income versus (i) the equilibrium degree of nominal-wage rigidity as well as (ii) the resulting volatilities of hours worked and output in response to a monetary shock. In sharp contrast to the traditional stabilization view, we analytically show that linearly progressive taxation always operates like an automatic destabilizer which leads to higher cyclical fluctuations within the macroeconomy. We also obtain the same business cycle destabilization result under continuously progressive taxation if the initial degree of tax progressivity is sufficiently low.
This paper uses the concept of “Personnel is Policy” to extend the theory of regulatory capture to the political appointment of agency commissioners. The “Personnel is Policy” theory provides three important insights. First, it shows that whether or not an interest group benefits from a regulatory agency depends on the particular individuals appointed to run it. Second, the president plays an important role in regulatory capture by nominating individuals to be appointed to the commission. Third, regulatory capture does not follow a pre-determined path because the commissioners continually change. The theory is then used to explain the early years of a prominent regulatory agency created during the Progressive Era: the Federal Trade Commission. From the perspective of the big business “trust” interest group, their success at capturing the FTC to achieve their goals of controlling competition and blocking hostile antitrust actions was largely a result of who was appointed to the commission. The trusts were the most successful during the years of 1915–1916 and 1925–1929.
Chapter 4 provides a detailed reading of the progress achieved to date in the negotiated opening of services markets under both AFAS and PTAs entered into (or currently being negotiated) with third parties both by ASEAN as a whole and by individual ASEAN Member States.