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One of the motivations for changing judicial selection in Mississippi was court modernization. In the 1970s, Mississippi's judicial systems ranked last on an index of legal professionalism. However, a second motivation was more political: it came in response to demands, and lawsuits, from the African American community to revise the judicial districts from which trial judges were elected in order to increase the number of African American judges. There was also a touch of partisanship involved because not long before the legislature voted to switch to nonpartisan judicial elections, a small number of incumbent judges running for reelection switched from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party. The legislature adopted nonpartisan judicial elections in 1994 on votes that did not evidence significant partisanship.
Georgia switched to nonpartisan judicial elections in 1983. The change did not reflect an effort by Democrats to protect Democratic judges from increasing Republican strength. Instead the change was part of a general overhaul of the state constitution, including modernizing the court system. The committee charged with redrafting the judicial article of the constitution briefly considered, but then dismissed, the idea of adopting some form of the Missouri Plan. There was a minor indication of partisanship in one vote on the change when a Democrat offered an amendment to delete the phrase “on a nonpartisan basis,” which would have left the choice of partisan or nonpartisan elections as a matter of ordinary legislation; a slight majority of Democrats voted in favor of the deletion, but almost all of the small number of Republicans in the House voted against the deletion. The revised constitution, including the changes to judicial elections, was overwhelmingly approved by the voters in 1983.
Niche construction theory, popular in evolutionary biology, can help us understand the lag between economic growth and political reform in highly interconnected states, where competition for resources drives adaptation via the selection of strategic opportunities, ranging from the predatory and parasitical to the symbiotic. A rugged or smooth fitness landscape, created by the system’s topology, determines how a society makes choices on the path toward its own fitness peak. No two societies will start from the same point or follow the same path to its local or global optimum. This makes it difficult to simply transfer strategies, norms, or institutions across cultures. Evolutionary social psychology (ESP) teaches that individuals and societies alike exhibit bounded rationality, practice heuristics, and imitate local models and cultures they know. ESP may also help explain why China’s developmental experience can be a more familiar starting point than a Western alternative, and more easily copied by other emerging nations. Nevertheless, disordered activity may keep the overall global system in balance.
We here make some suggestions as to how a specifically sociological approach to politics can build upon the course corrections recently made in political and historical sociology, as well as in the theory of action and of social structures. We argue that late-twentieth-century political sociology was led in several directions that were unprofitable. First, this political sociology was characterized by a disproportionate (and largely disappointing) focus on large-scale transitions, like revolutions, or other significant outcomes, at the expense of the examination of regularities in conventional political process. Second, the sociology that did treat everyday, lay, political behavior tended to embrace a notion of action that confused the reasons people gave for their choices with the predictors of their actions. Third, there was relatively little attention to the sociology of political elites as members of face-to-face groups with their own imperatives and organizational principles.
Chapter 1 “Inception (1962–1979)” outlines the developments that led to RJ’s establishment as a popular movement and its grassroots mobilization to the provinces and villages. This chapter takes us back to the transformative years before and after the fall of the shah. Beginning in 1962, the shah’s White Revolution and Land Reform narrowed the urban-rural divide and unleashed and accelerated other structural forces of modernization that contributed to the revolution as well as RJ’s subsequent establishment and mobilization. Through bricolage and boundary activation, RJ members and IRP officials appropriated the shah’s Literacy, Health, and Extension Corps (Sipah-i Danish, Bihdasht va Tarvij), and attempted to validate the IRI and differentiate RJ by framing its mission as repairing the alleged destruction that the shah had caused the provinces and villages.
India's agrarian history has for the most part been cast within colonial and nationalist frameworks or in analyses of modernity and development in the South Asian historiography on both sides of the independence divide. This leaves plenty of space to discuss both the vast engagement of American actors with Indian elite formations and modifications to the agrarian projects contingent upon those interactions. A focus on the Americanist drive for agrarian modernization in India allows for exploring the distinct cultural location of modernization in a long-term perspective and its engagement with colonial “development.” A study of their mutual interaction gives insights into modernization's somewhat distinct itinerary on the subcontinent and provides specificity to the history of the otherwise spatially wider American intervention in global and inter-Asian contexts.
Competition laws and policies play an important role in developing countries. More than 130 countries have adopted either a competition law or a similar framework of anti-monopoly laws that aims to improve social welfare. Most African countries have already started developing their competition regimes, and regional trade organizations in Africa have provided competition sections in their free trade agreements to enhance enforcement cooperation. For fledgling competition regimes in Africa, the improvement of effective public enforcement and competition law culture has become an essential driver of competition law development. In particular, Egypt has demonstrated its efforts towards the modernization of competition law and the enhancement of fair and free competition, which is an example of the development of the competition regime in a developing African country. This article discusses the development of the Egyptian competition regime from a comparative perspective and suggests proposals for its further modernization.
In the late eighteenth century, Swiss Cantons had been ruled by privilege, inequality, and conflicts; yet thirty years later a modern political nation was born that quickly caught up with developed England. Was this an internally-driven miracle or the most successful improvement in governance known in history following an external intervention? Chapter 1 deconstructs the transformation of Switzerland during the French Revolution and Empire, to inquire why a similar Napoleonic ambition seems to have met with less success in our own times.
This chapter introduces and motivates the main theme of the book and the key questions related to the development of fiscal capacity in colonial Asia and Africa. We situate the colonial fiscal state in the context of the changing world order in the long century between 1850 and 1960. We discuss the historiography and existing theoretical perspectives on fiscal development, arguing that these remain biased towards the European, or Eurasian experience at best. We also summarize the key insights of all the chapters in light of the general patterns that emerge from the comparative perspective adopted in this book. Finally, we formulate a brief future research agenda which identifies the next steps to be taken to improve our understanding of the various ways in which fiscal states have developed across the globe since the mid-nineteenth century.
Why should countries improve on controlling corruption? While many theories exist to explain economic development, the trendier ones just attribute merit or blame to the quality of governance. But the question of how governance can change to become less corrupt is seldom studied. Chapter 3 reviews the most frequently proposed theories of change and the evidence in favor of the primacy of politics, as opposed to economic development, in the control of corruption. It also looks at how trade and globalization affect corruption and what role international factors play, from trade to global regulation in the form of treaties or anti-bribery conventions. A model of transformation is offered alongside a discussion on how international factors play into it.
South Africa made remarkable progress from 1850 to 1961 with the establishment of a ‘modern’ fiscal state. This chapter shows that the discovery of diamonds and gold in the second half of 19th century facilitated the modernization of the country's fiscal system by providing the impetus for modern economic growth and by generating vast resources for the financing of infrastructure and essential social services. It also identifies two consequences of apartheid that negated vital potential benefits of the fiscal modernization process: the state could not achieve the legitimacy needed for political stability and long-term economic development, and the economic diversification that is essential for sustained economic progress in economies built on the extraction of exhaustible resources was thwarted by the debilitating effects of apartheid on policy priorities and the country's skills base. The main conclusion of the chapter therefore is that apartheid prevented South Africa from capitalizing on the opportunities afforded by its mineral wealth and otherwise solid governance foundations.
This chapter surveys the fiscal policies and practices in the Portuguese African colonies of Mozambique and Angola from the 1850s to 1970s. It explores the fiscal implications of a long history of trade relations and cultural exchange, including early forms of colonial settlement (merchants, missionaries, prazeros), which were moulded into a relatively late and severely contested occupation wave in the late nineteenth century. It discusses the constraints to revenue centralization and fiscal unification and shows how spending policies prioritized security, administration and infrastructure over welfare services. I argue that local conditions, including this specific ‘pre-colonial’ history of Portuguese-African relations, limited possibilities of fiscal modernization, while major ruptures in metropolitan politics (e.g. the Salazar dictatorship) were key in the reorganization of imperial finances.
This chapter examines the changing role of the state in Southeast Asia in the decades from 1900 through to 1960, a period which covers the last phase of colonialism in the region, and the transition to independence. To what extent did colonial governments establish modern fiscal states in the region? By the end of the nineteenth century the three main European colonial powers, Britain, France and the Netherlands, all controlled substantial territories in the region. The Spanish, who had occupied the Philippine islands since the seventeenth century, ceded control to the Americans after their defeat in the Spanish-American War at the end of the nineteenth century. Siam, which became Thailand at the end of the 1930s, had managed to remain independent, although at the cost of losing territory to both British and French possessions. This chapter compares and contrasts revenue, expenditure and borrowing policies across the major colonial territories and Thailand, and examines the transition to independence in the years from 1946 to 1963, when the Federation of Malaysia was formed.
Chapter 4 focuses on the EU–Turkey Syrian refugee deal, which was activated on November 29, 2015. It makes the argument that Turkey used the urgency of the refugee crisis and its position as a major transit country for refugees en route to Europe as leverage to acquire visa liberalization with the EU and bring momentum to its accession negotiation talks. By using active diplomacy and issue-linkage bargaining, Turkey was also able to secure the EU’s commitment to modernization of the Customs Union Agreement and provision of financial support for the welfare and protection of Syrian refugees in Turkey. Upon realizing that the perquisites secured through the deal were not going to materialize due to a multiplicity of reasons, Turkey switched to compellent threats and blackmail and engaged in boundary challenging against the EU. The refugee deal between the EU and Turkey makes it very costly for the EU to ‘lose’ Turkey and will serve as a good litmus test on whether Turkey will switch from challenging to breaking its boundaries with the EU. If the threat of revoking the deal becomes reasonably credible, then it is possible to talk about a switch to boundary breaking.
In response to US plans to withdraw troops from South Korea in the 1970s, the Park Chung Hee administration (1961–79) leveraged all defense-related civilian industries to build an independent system of weapons production. In keeping with Park's advancement of military modernization driven by strong private-sector growth, an agenda that he promoted with his banner slogan “rich nation, strong military,” large Korean companies known as chaebŏl were transformed to serve as government contractors that drove both national economic development and military modernization. A case study of one such company, Hanwha, illustrates how the state's hyper-militarization of Korean industries determined the distinct course and character of South Korea's national development. The study highlights the dynamic interplay that occurred between state actors and private-sector CEOs, managers, and laborers in shaping the chaebŏl-centered economic and defense industrialization.
This chapter introduces the research puzzle of the study, provides a brief background on Christians in Turkey and Muslims in France, and reviews existing work on religious minorities in these contexts. The chapter examines existing explanations (modernization theory, historical institutionalism, ideology and rational choice theory) and elaborates the argument of the book. It also discusses how the theory developed in the book can contribute to scholarly debates in the study of religion and politics. It defines relevant concepts and describes data sources and methodological tools.
This chapter explores the formation of state–religion relations in Turkey and discusses how this relationship framed Turkish state policies toward the Christian minority. It shows how Turkish modernization in the early republican period resulted in a type of secularism that is alien to religious diversity in Turkey. It also discusses the policy outcomes of Turkish secularism for the Christian minority. The chapter also documents the policy shifts that enhanced religious liberties for the Christian minority in the 2000s.