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Attempts by extremist right-wing parties to grow organizational roots in local societies mobilize a diverse array of societal groups against them. The organizational effect of this mobilization has received some scholarly attention but, for the most part, it has defied systematic empirical investigation. This chapter brings together an array of evidence to systematically trace societal mobilization against extremist right-wing parties and to assess the effects of these societal responses on their local organizational development. The first part of the chapter examines how the literature treats societal reactions to extremism to generate various hypotheses about how such reactions shape organizational outcomes. The second section provides an overview of societal responses to the Golden Dawn (GD) in the past decade. It focuses on the diverse array of antifascist actors, their varied organizational resources and their wide range of tactics. The third section seeks to provide a systematic examination of the effects of societal reactions on the organizational evolution of various local branches of the GD.
This chapter examines how institutional responses to extremist right-wing parties affect their local organizational development. Institutional responses to extremism are usually subsumed in scholarly analyses of how democratic states use “militant democracy” to deal with actors threatening their democratic foundations. The first section of this chapter reviews this work to generate expectations about the effects of militant democracy policies on the organizational development of political parties. Whereas scholarly work on militant democracy tends to focus on outright bans of political parties by judicial authorities, this book adopts a broader definition to include a wider range of institutional responses and to examine how these responses affect central party organizations and then trickle down to party subunits. The second section examines the responses of the Greek state to the Golden Dawn (GD). It naturally focuses on the years before and after the arrest and criminal prosecution of the party leadership in 2013. Going beyond this judicial process, it also examines the varying responses of other institutional actors – police and municipal authorities – to the GD. The third section examines how state intervention affected the local organizational development of the GD.
For almost two decades now, Geneva Call has been engaged in developing humanitarian dialogue with some 150 armed non-State actors (ANSAs), with the aim of increasing their knowledge and respect of humanitarian norms. Developing a protection dialogue with ANSAs is not an easy task, and it becomes more complex when groups split, mutate or join larger movements. Humanitarian organizations need to adapt their analysis to a more frequent timescale, keeping in touch constantly with a wide range of key stakeholders in order not to lose track of the current groups’ status and structure. In this note, Geneva Call's Director of Operations discusses some of the organization's experiences and lessons learned.
− ESG–Agency scholarship highlights the fragmented, expanding, and complex forms of authority that prescribe, steer, and govern behaviour on environmental issues. − Agency scholarship on earth system governance covers interdisciplinary debates in four broad areas: the types of agents, the ways authority is exercised, the nature of agents’ influence, and the varieties of governance structures or architectures within which agents act.− Even with increasing scholarship into the fragmentation of authority and multiplication of the types agents to include nonstate, transnational, and subnational actors, states continue to be the centre of agency scholarship. Future research is needed on agency theory and the theoretical nature of relationships between actors and within differing geographic, economic, and political contexts.
Multinational enterprises (MNEs) transfer their corporate strategies to subsidiaries globally, and in so doing, embark on a translation process. Despite the prevalence of MNEs and their investments in emerging economies, little is known about how local factors affect key actors when translating corporate talent management (CTM) strategies to these regions. This study draws from the translation and talent management literatures to explore the travel of ideas in the context of CTM. Relevant frames (narratives that emerge around actions) and actors are proposed and explored empirically in a qualitative study of 76 employees across an Australian mining MNE with subsidiaries located in Latin America. The findings support extant literature as well as uncovering new frames (categorized in external or corporate, and internal or local) and actors (including non-managerial) as part of the translation process. The findings suggest the need to balance talent management strategies between corporate and subsidiaries by being aware of internal and external frames including in both urban and rural locations. This understanding provides further clarification of the global versus local paradox faced by MNEs. Implications for future research and practice are discussed.
This chapter explores the workings of a village court in the town of Bialla, Papua New Guinea. Through an examination of various actors (including a flag, chair, and summons) and the journeys they take, the chapter illustrates how a village court materializes as a place of authority, able to facilitate justice. This discussion also reveals how relationships sit at the heart of the disputes brought to the court, and why disputants emerge as court-making actors themselves. By examining a single village court in granular detail, this chapter is able to argue that networks of relationships are key to both the existence of the village court and the justice that is sought within them.
Despite the growing literature on China’s proliferating corporate social responsibility initiatives, little is known empirically about how Chinese shareholders react to these initiatives in their invested firms. Drawing upon a unique, hand-collected dataset containing the votes cast at shareholders’ meetings in Chinese A-share listed firms, this research reveals two divergent patterns. Some shareholders support (or oppose) such initiatives as often as they do proposals most susceptible to conflicts of interest (e.g. a firm transacting with its controlling shareholder). Others vote more strategically, rarely opposing such proposals as rigorously as they oppose proposals with a perceived negative impact on their immediate financial interests. Their varied approaches seem to be correlated with certain firm characteristics such as who controls the firm (i.e. state or private actors) and how strong the degree of control is.
Chapter 4 introduces the case study of Rwanda, which offers a paradigmatic example of what happens when thousands of minors are accused of, and pursued for, committing acts of atrocity, in a post-conflict state that has been thoroughly decimated. The chapter first provides a synopsis of the civil war and genocide, describing in particular children’s involvement as perpetrators. It then turns to post-genocide Rwanda to explore the impact of the genocide on the social fabric (in particular the perception of the child and society’s demand for justice and accountability) and the judicial system, and outlines the involvement of international and domestic actors in the reconstruction process. Finally, it briefly examines the position of the child offender under Rwandan law, noting also Rwanda’s international obligations at the time covered by the book. In addition to setting the scene, the chapter draws out the challenges generated primarily by the genocide (recognising that some issues were latent) so as to contextualise both Rwanda’s responses to child perpetrators as well as the approach adopted by international actors, in particular UNICEF.
Over 4,500 children were detained in Rwanda in 1998, most accused of participating in the genocide. This chapter introduces the issue of children accused of committing genocidal acts, but also more broadly, children involved in atrocities (including terrorist attacks). It explains the rationale for the book, noting that states have discretion to prosecute children but that there are various minimum standards, contained primarily in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, that must be upheld. These standards are binding in respect of all states that have ratified the treaty, yet post-conflict states often face significant reconstruction challenges. What, then, are the implications where states decide to prosecute minors for atrocity crimes? The chapter also introduces the role that international actors can play in enhancing implementation of, and compliance with, international standards, noting in particular UNICEF’s role as the lead UN agency for children in conflict with the law. The chapter notes the contribution of the book to existing scholarship and outlines the multidisciplinary approach, assumptions and methodology of the study, which includes semi-structured interviews and archival research, institutional and doctrinal analysis, and grounded theory and process tracing approaches. It also discusses the limitations and challenges involved in empirical research.
Chapter 6 explores the approach of international actors to child génocidaires and to the Rwandan government’s legal and policy responses to such children. It describes briefly the approach of UN bodies (both non-operational and those with a field presence in Rwanda) and international NGOs. It then details UNICEF Rwanda’s involvement with child génocidaires, examining how it became involved with the issue and providing an overview of its activities. It draws upon specific issues to exemplify how UNICEF Rwanda interpreted and applied international standards in the Rwandan context and illustrates the contention within UNICEF, and the friction between UNICEF Rwanda and other actors over how best to implement the CRC, particularly as regards institutionalisation. It finds that UNICEF Rwanda interpreted the provisions of the CRC (and related instruments) in a non-restrictive way to fit the Rwandan context, relying in particular on the best interests of the child principle, and that this included working progressively towards implementation and compliance and prioritising some rights over others.
Legal scholars rely heavily on vocabularies of ‘actors’, ‘agents’, and ‘experts’ to account for the fact that law does not develop by itself. However, the identities, idiosyncrasies, and individual professional contributions of law's people are rarely illuminated. This article suggests that the relative absence of people in transnational legal scholarship helps to explain some of its gaps. The task of bringing ‘human actors back on stage’ creates some new opportunities for transnational environmental law scholarship. It invites attention to both dominant and excluded voices. It offers a way of bridging the gap between the bureaucratic language of law and its lived reality. It also provides an understanding of why, despite ferocious attempts to roll back the advances of environmental law in some places, many scholars and practitioners find reason to be optimistic about the future of environmental law.
This chapter engages with theories of global governance and private regulation to explain how and why standards support what I call a transnational hybrid authority. It shows that the notion of hybrid is mostly used as a default attribute to accommodate multiple and contradictory policies of global governance. Supplementing international political economy literature with semiotics, science and technology studies, and post-colonial studies, I argue that the concept of hybrid allows for seeing such ambiguity as an ontological attribute transforming the relationship between transnational capitalism and territorial sovereignty. Ambiguity thus imbues not only the status of the actors involved in standardisation and regulation but also the scope of the issues on which they operate and the spaces on which they exert their authority. The chapter outlines the analytical framework of the book including the three dimensions of actors setting standards, the scope of the standards and space on which such authority is recognised.
Widespread adoption of the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) represents a puzzle. It cannot be described as serving the interests of any state as understood in conventional theories of international relations because it commits countries to radical social change. Yet all but six UN member states have ratified it. We argue that the case can only be explained by reference to Waltz’ first image, the individual level. We invoke Giddens' notion of structuration to explain how a small group of like-minded women, many of them diplomats, were able to work within existing structures of international diplomacy to create institutions that embedded their ideals in international law. These women were critical actors, positioned simultaneously in activist organizations and government and diplomatic institutions, giving them leverage to institutionalize new norms. The case shows the importance of analysis at the individual level to explain normative change in the international system.
This chapter considers the research, development, and implementation of solar geoengineering by nonstate actors and their governance by intellectual property policies. Although some observers are concerned that nonstate actors could deploy it, states will probably retain control over operational decision-making regarding large-scale outdoor tests and implementation. At the same time, commercial entities will play roles – most likely as contractors in public procurement – as providers and innovators of goods and services for solar geoengineering activities. A leading means through which states govern nonstate actors in innovative domains is policies for intellectual property, particularly patents. This chapter reviews the current landscape of patents related to solar geoengineering and the social challenges that such intellectual property could pose. It comments on others’ proposals for intellectual property policies specific to solar geoengineering and also recommends one. Importantly, the suggested "research commons," which is centered on a system of patent pledges, does not require state action and could arise bottom-up among researchers and other nonstate actors.
Governance includes nonstate actors and nonlegal instruments. Nonstate governance – that which is developed, implemented, and/or enforced by nonstate actors – can fill roles that state law cannot or does so poorly. This chapter considers the extent to which nonstate actors do, could, and should contribute to solar geoengineering governance. It introduces key concepts of nonstate governance. The extant governance that is specific to solar geoengineering is largely nonstate. This is particularly evident in the development, influence, and apparent compliance with multiple sets of principles, such as the Oxford principles. Notably, for the most part, these sets substantively agree. The chapter closes with an analysis of nonstate governance’s potential. It concludes that nonstate governance should contribute because solar geoengineering’s characteristics – such as technically complexity, dynamism, reliance upon experts’ knowledge, transboundary impacts, and researchers' shared yet undifferentiated reputational sensitivity – are favorable to nonstate governance, while states are taking no significant steps toward governance.
The early years of the Review, then called the Bulletin International des Sociétés de la Croix-Rouge, provide numerous insights into the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which edited the journal. Since the ICRC was very small in those days and without support staff, one learns a great deal, especially about Gustave Moynier, who led the organization and carried out most of the editing duties at the Bulletin. The reader can trace the role of religious and other motivations, attitudes toward colonialism, the evolving nature of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement and the ICRC's place therein, and complex relations with States. This early era, as richly recorded in the journal, stimulates a number of questions about further research into ICRC and Red Cross history.
In the field of business and politics, research on the role of business actors in individual fossil fuel industries that contribute to climate change has been sparse. At the same time theorising the role of ad hoc coalitions has been limited even though they appear to be an important vehicle for business actors seeking to shape contemporary policy contests. This paper attempts to address these understudied areas by drawing on a rich empirical dataset to examine the role of three ad hoc coalitions in the U.S. energy sector. In doing so, it builds on the existing literature to establish a theoretical basis for identifying the defining elements of ad hoc coalitions and the conditions under which business actors decide to establish them. Further, it sheds light on how business actors use ad hoc coalitions in three key fossil fuel industries—gas, oil, and coal—to shape policy outcomes, and in turn shape the path to a clean energy transition.
Most analyses of China's foreign and security policies treat China as a unitary actor, assuming a cohesive grand strategy articulated by Beijing. I challenge this conventional wisdom, showing how Chinese provinces can affect the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. This contributes to existing research on the role of subnational actors in China, which has focused on how they shape domestic and economic policies. Using Hainan and Yunnan as case studies, I identify three mechanisms of provincial influence – trailblazing, carpetbagging, and resisting – and illustrate them with examples of key provincial policies. This analysis provides a more nuanced argument than is commonly found in international relations for the motivations behind evolving and increasingly activist Chinese foreign policy. It also has important policy implications for understanding and responding to Chinese behaviour, in the South China Sea and beyond.
Outer space is becoming a more accessible and less expensive domain in which to operate. Consequently, growing numbers of state and non-state actors (NSAs) are operating in, to, and through space. At the same time, instances of space-based and ground-based interference with space systems are also increasing, disrupting crucial space-supported services and applications relied on by millions, with great financial and operational costs. The increased participation of NSAs in space activities raises particular concerns, especially the threat of intentional interference with space systems by nefarious actors like terrorist organizations. It also requires consideration of whether states bear responsibility and/or liability for the acts of NSAs with a nexus to those states. At first glance, it is tempting to conclude that one or more normative legal regimes would apply. The potential regimes include international space law, international telecommunications law, and the law of state responsibility. On further examination, however, when it comes to interference, there appears to be no effective legal mechanism to hold states accountable for NSA interference with space systems, which can be exploited by NSAs and challenge efforts by states to enforce “good” behaviour.