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Chapter 32 of The Cambridge Companion to Sappho examines the reception of Sappho’s poetry in India, examining figures such as Sir William Jones, Kamala Das, Adela ‘Violet’Nicolson (Laurence Hope), Lord Alfred Douglas, Somerset Maugham, Mohammad Sana’ullah Dar (Miraji), Abdul Aziz Khalid, Keki N. Daruwalla, Rukmini Bhaya Nair, and Beram Saklatvala (Henry Marsh).
The book begins with a broad introduction situating the development of colonial law alongside the rise of the novel. The introduction offers an overview of the architecture of colonial sovereignty while also delving into its specifically legal context. From the move toward the codification of laws to the adjudication of cases in the Privy Council, the introduction reveals the ways in which the law provided a narrative for colonial lives. At the same time, the introduction shows how broader cultural narratives as represented in the era’s literature influenced the law. Even if, as is customarily claimed, the substance of law in the colonies was haphazard and drawn from multiple legal traditions, its authority was largely founded in claims to absolute sovereignty. The introduction frames the ways in which bloodline claims to the sovereignty of kingship were reconfigured in the colonies to enact a biopolitical sovereignty of race.
Situated at the intersection of law and literature, nineteenth-century studies and post-colonialism, Colonial Law in India and the Victorian Imagination draws on original archival research to shed new light on Victorian literature. Each chapter explores the relationship between the shared cultural logic of law and literature, and considers how this inflected colonial sociality. Leila Neti approaches the legal archive in a distinctly literary fashion, attending to nuances of voice, character, diction and narrative, while also tracing elements of fact and procedure, reading the case summaries as literary texts to reveal the common turns of imagination that motivated both fictional and legal narratives. What emerges is an innovative political analytic for understanding the entanglements between judicial and cultural norms in Britain and the colony, bridging the critical gap in how law and literature interact within the colonial arena.
The rise of India’s national system of innovation (NSI) reflects a rapid catch-up process toward developed country innovation standards. However, industries have evolved at a varying pace, reflecting influences by government-driven activities, while others are more influenced by business strategies. Government policies and firm strategies have co-evolved with one another and a variety of endogenous/domestic and exogenous/foreign pressures. We analyze the impact of these pressures on locally based innovation processes within the Indian NSI. We examine three disparate industrial contexts: the wind turbine, pharmaceutical, and auto component industries, and present evidence of considerable industry-specific effects. Domestic firms largely drove innovation in the Indian wind turbine and pharmaceutical industries, drawing knowledge from abroad through various means. In contrast, innovation in the auto components industry was driven by domestic firms’ participation in global value chains coordinated by advanced country MNCs. Eventually, these domestic firms become eMNCs in their own right, some becoming global competitors. Our chapter contributes to the debates related to innovation policies, NSIs and the catch-up processes of eMNCs.
This chapter presents the evolution of the pharmaceutical industry in the emerging world. It draws on firm-level cases in three of the largest pharmaceutical markets: China (2), Brazil (6) and India (11). Pharmaceutical companies in these countries have emerged as leaders in the generic segment and some are making remarkable strides towards innovation strategies. China’s Jiangsu Hengrui Medicine, India’s Sun Pharma, and Brazil’s Eurofarma are suggestive of the shift toward innovation. These companies have evolved from copycats to creative imitators and recently have been moving up the value chain in pharmaceutical R&D.
Megasthenes was an eyewitness to the reign of Chandragupta Maurya, maker of the first India-wide empire (from ca. 321 BCE). The army with which he made that empire depended largely upon the supply of men, horses, elephants, and oxen, a sector which may be called military livestock. Megasthenes’ account of this large sector of government expense and the policies under which it operated gives important testimony about the causes of Chandragupta's success, namely the maintenance of a royal monopoly of horses, elephants, and arms, payment of the soldiers in peacetime and war, the demilitarization of the farmers, and the separation of the soldiers from the land. Over the long run of Indian history, from the Mauryan Empire to the present, the environmental roots of the political order lay in the complementary distribution of horse and elephant country, to the dry west and humid east of a line running down the middle of the Subcontinent; that is, respectively, the valleys of the Indus and the Ganga. The dominating power of India has always had its capital in elephant country, the valley of the Ganga, in cities from Pataliputra (Patna) to Kanauj to Delhi, in a position from which to control the eastward flow of horses and the westward flow of elephants to other states.
In this pioneering history of modern India, Claude Markovits offers a new interpretation of events of world importance, focusing on the multiplicity of connections between India and the world. Beginning with an examination of India's evolving role in the world economy, he deals successively with the movement of people out of and into India, the role played by Indian soldiers in a series of conflicts from the mid-eighteenth to the late twentieth century, the place of India in the global circulation of ideas and cultural productions and the relationships established between Indians and others both abroad and at home. Challenging dominant state-centred histories by focusing on the lived experiences of people, Markovits demonstrates that the multiple connections established between India and other lands did not necessarily result in mutual knowledge, but were often marked by misunderstanding.
The government in British-ruled India established cooperative banks to compete with private moneylenders in the rural credit market. State officials expected greater competition to increase the supply of low-cost credit, thereby expanding investment potential for the rural poor. Cooperatives did increase credit supply but captured a small share of the credit market and reported net losses throughout the late colonial and early postcolonial period. The article asks why this experiment did not succeed and offers two explanations. First, low savings restricted the role of social capital and mutual supervision as methods of financial regulation in the cooperative sector. Second, a political-economic ideology that privileged equity over efficiency made for weak administrative regulation.
The importance of childhood immunization for healthy child growth and development is well recognized and is considered to be the best and most cost-effective lifesaver. Low socioeconomic status has been shown to be associated with low child immunization and health care utilization, but the inequalities in immunization coverage due to social and economic factors are poorly understood. This study aimed to explore the association between child immunization coverage and various socioeconomic factors and to quantify their contributions to generating inequalities in immunization coverage in India. The study data are from the National Family Health Survey-4 conducted in 2015–16. The association between socioeconomic determinants and child full immunization coverage was estimated using the χ2 test and binary logistic regression. Concentration indices were estimated to measure the magnitude of inequality, and these were further decomposed to explain the contribution of different socioeconomic factors to the total disparity in full immunization coverage. The results showed that the uptake of immunization in 2015–16 was highly associated with mother’s educational status and household wealth. The concentration index decomposition revealed that inequality (immunization disadvantage) was highest among poorer economic groups and among children whose mothers were illiterate. The overall concentration index value indicates that the weaker socioeconomic groups in India are more disadvantaged in terms of immunization interventions. The results offer insight into the dynamics of the variation in immunization coverage in India and help identify vulnerable populations that should be targeted to decrease socioeconomic inequalities in the country.
Early initiation of breastfeeding (EIBF) is considered one of the most cost-effective interventions for infant survival and well-being. This study aimed to examine the variations in, and determinants of, early initiation of breastfeeding among women in high and low neonatal mortality rate (NMR) settings in India using data from the fourth round of the National Family Health Survey conducted in 2015–16. At 35%, EIBF was found to be disproportionately low in the high NMR group of states compared with 52% in the low NMR group, with the national average being 44%. The chance of EIBF significantly increased if childbirth was vaginal, delivery took place in a health institution, the mother received breastfeeding advice and the birth was a planned one in both high and low NMR settings. In the high NMR group of states, the probability of initiating breastfeeding immediately after birth improved to a great extent if childbirth was assisted by a trained person and if the mother was exposed to any type of mass media. There is an urgent need to increase the access of mothers to breastfeeding advice during pregnancy and to increase their exposure to mass media, particularly in high NMR states. In addition, achieving universal access to institutional deliveries and deliveries assisted by a skilled birth attendant, especially in high NMR settings, and promoting early breastfeeding, especially in the case of Caesarean deliveries, would further improve the level of EIBF in the country as a whole. These interventions can potentially increase the prevalence of early initiation of breastfeeding and help India attain the neonatal mortality rate target of Sustainable Development Goal 3.
Three important features of Indian labor markets enduringly coexist: rent-seeking, occupational immobility, and caste. These facts are puzzling, given theories that predict static, equilibrium social inequality without conflict. Our model explains these facts as an equilibrium outcome. Some people switch caste-associated occupations for an easier source of rents, rather than for productivity. This undermines trust between castes and shuts down occupational mobility, which further encourages rent-seeking due to an inability of workers to sort into occupations. We motivate our contribution with novel stylized facts exploiting a unique survey question on casteism in India, which we show is associated with rent-seeking.
In this article, I interrogate the exhaustive “inbetweenness” through which Bhutan is understood and located on a map (“inbetween India and China”). I argue that this understanding naturalizes a contemporary geopolitics with little depth about how this inbetweenness has shifted over the centuries, thereby constructing a timeless, obscure, and remote Bhutan that is “naturally” oriented southward. I trace how the construction of Bhutan's asymmetrical inbetweenness is nested in the larger story of the formation and consolidation of imperial British India and its dissolution, and the emergence of post-colonial India as a successor state. I identify and analyze the key economic dynamics of three phases marked by commercial, production, and security interests, through which this asymmetrical inbetweenness was consolidated. Bringing together sources from different disciplines and archival work, this account also challenges some of the dominant historical scholarship on Bhutan in each phase. I conclude by emphasizing that critical work at the intersection of geographical/political/historical contingencies is important to the subalternizing of geopolitics, which recognizes the myriad ways in which dominant powers have shaped both the geopolitical environment as well as knowledge-making that has constrained small states.
Collectively, developing countries are the source of one-third of the global pollution causing climate change. If one classifies China as a developing country, then all developing countries combined currently produce about two-thirds of global greenhouse gas pollution. Their emissions are on course to rise without far more effective governance measures. Thus, the future of climate governance, and indeed of the climate crisis, will very much depend on whether more attention is given to what is happening in developing countries. Vitally, many of these countries are the most vulnerable to climate change. For some of them, climate change is becoming an existential threat, as it certainly will be for millions, and potentially hundreds of millions, of their citizens. Developing countries are in precarious positions in the context of global climate governance. For a few economically emerging countries, such as India, their contribution to climate change is very substantial, but the least developed countries of the world, and many small and highly vulnerable island states are often hapless victims of a problem created almost entirely by others.
This article presents selected findings on India relating to the effects of international investment agreements (IIAs) on national governance. Our research used ethnography-inspired methods to explore the often-voiced hypothesis that IIAs induce good governance reforms in their state parties. Our findings demonstrate that the good governance hypothesis is too sweeping and lacks subtlety, but they also bring forward new conceptualizations of the impact of the international investment regime on national governance. Our research shows that governance actors use IIAs selectively in order to advance various agendas and interests. The Indian case study shows that rather than acting like a monolith when reacting to the experience of IIAs, the state is instead a site of struggle between different actors with different motivations, agendas, and interests. In such context, IIAs produce various formal–institutional as well as ideological–discursive effects that have not been captured by the existing literature. First, IIAs lead to the simultaneous practices of internalization through external adjustment and internalization through accommodation. At the same time, these modes of internalization lead to rearrangements by internalization within the public administration. Second, governance actors resort to various narratives about IIAs, which we present in this article. Importantly, the deployments of various narratives about IIAs are context-dependent and are used by governance actors tactically as convenient tools in internal political struggles within the public administration. These findings have important consequences for the design and reform of international investment regulation, should such regulation have ambition, as it does, to promote good governance.
Hundreds of high-elevation medieval strongholds are dispersed throughout the Central Himalayan region of Garhwal Himalaya, India. Believed to have originated in the eleventh century AD, these sites are interwoven into local folklore, yet they have been subject to limited research. This article presents new survey data, along with computational and spatial analyses of 193 Garhwal strongholds, facilitating the assessment of more complex hypotheses—particularly visual-signalling theories—concerning the fortification phenomenon. The results strongly suggest the integration of Garhwal's strongholds as a coherent visual-signalling network. In turn, the method also holds great potential for the evaluation of putative visual-signalling networks in other archaeological contexts.
South Asian, Palestinian, and Zionist politicians and thinkers also participated in this discourse of national liberation and state-foundation. They too sought to guarantee permanent security for an imagined people by constructing ethnic homogeneity or guaranteeing ethnic dominance over minorities. Permanent security entailed a nation being housed in “its” state; the consonance of the cultural and political nations. In addition to partition and population transfer, another modality of permanent security was “communal hostage taking”: the “occupier” can imagine minorities as potential hostages, objects of possible reprisal for perceived mistreatment of their own nationals likewise “stranded” across the border. These mental operations were necessarily global in projection and meta-reflective in practice, as leaders of states-in-waiting not only studied political dramas in other parts of the world but also scrutinized the lessons that their rivals drew from them. A political history of ideas can show how national security thinking was embedded in practices of analogy making.
People living in urban slums or informal settlements are among the most vulnerable communities, highly susceptible to coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) infection and vulnerable to the consequences of the measures taken to control the spread of the virus. Fear and stigma related to infection, mistrust between officials and the population, the often-asymptomatic nature of the disease is likely to lead to under-reporting. We conducted a cross-sectional study to determine the seroprevalence of COVID-19 infection in a large slum in South India 3 months after the index case and recruited 499 adults (age >18 years). The majority (74.3%) were females and about one-third of the population reported comorbidities. The overall seroprevalence of IgG antibody for COVID-19 was 57.9% (95% CI 53.4–62.3). Age, education, occupation and the presence of reported comorbidities were not associated with seroprevalence (P-value >0.05). Case-to-undetected-infections ratio was 1:195 and infection fatality rate was calculated as 2.94 per 10 000 infections. We estimated seroprevalence of COVID-19 was very high in our study population. The focus in this slum should shift from infection prevention to managing the indirect consequences of the pandemic. We recommend seroprevalence studies in such settings before vaccination to identify the vulnerability of COVID-19 infection to optimise the use of insufficient resources. It is a wake-up call to societies and nations, to dedicate paramount attention to slums into recovery and beyond – to build, restore and maintain health equity for the ‘Health and wellbeing of all’.
These demographic transformations caused by partitions and population “transfers” in Europe, the Middle East, and South Asia after 1945 were and remain foundational for the postwar order. The imperative to omit this foundational violence from legal proscription and moral purview informed the negotiation and ultimate formulation of each constituent element of the human rights revolution. These states set the threshold of what “shocks the conscience of mankind” to exclude liberal permanent security from legal proscriptions and moral condemnation. The language of transgression we use today narrowed and crystallized at this moment in global history. This chapter reconstructs how the notion of human rights developed as a function of liberal permanent security from the 1920s until the 1940s among British, Czechoslovak, and Zionist politicians and thinkers.
This article examines the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) framework as a political project in tension with its universal and multilateral aspirations to serve as a counterbalance to narrow populist visions increasingly dominating global politics. Building upon Laclau and Mouffe’s theory of populism and their notion of ‘radical democracy’, we conceptualise the SDGs as a struggle for hegemony and in competition with other styles of politics, over what counts as ‘development’. This hegemonial struggle plays out in the attempts to form political constituencies behind developmental slogans, and it is here that religious actors come to the fore, given their already established role in organising communities, expressing values and aspirations, and articulating visions of the future. Examining how the SDG process has engaged with faith actors in India and Ethiopia, as well as how the Indian and Ethiopian states have engaged with religion in defining development, we argue that a ‘radical democracy’ of sustainable development requires a more intentional effort at integrating religious actors in the implementation of the SDGs.