To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure firstname.lastname@example.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This article examines the sole extant and complete set of signed witness statements for an Irish witchcraft trial. These testimonies were given at Florence Newton's trial for witchcraft at Cork assizes in September 1661, and were signed by the presiding judge, Sir William Aston. The Aston manuscript has been annotated and transcribed in its full, original form for the first time, providing historians with a unique document with which to explore one of the few Irish witchcraft trials. This article also provides suggestions for new ways of looking at the case, and more importantly demonstrates that Newton was not, as once thought, put to death for witchcraft under the 1586 Irish Witchcraft Act but died during her trial. Furthermore, taken in the context of early modern European witchcraft, the case is shown to be an important example of a witch trial occurring in a highly gendered, contested, post-conflict society.
Aquaculture is one of the fastest-growing food production sectors in many low-income and food-deficit countries with aquatic ecozones. Yet its specific impact on nutrition and livelihood in local communities, where commercial and/or export-orientated aquaculture activities are developed, is largely unknown.
The present narrative and argumentative review aims to provide an overview of our current understanding of the connections between aquaculture agroecosystems, local and national fish production, fish consumption patterns and nutrition and health outcomes.
The agroecological dynamic in a coastal-estuarine zone, where the aquatic environment ranges from fully saline to freshwater, is complex, with seasonal and annual fluctuations in freshwater supply creating a variable salinity gradient which impacts on aquatic food production and on food production more generally. The local communities living in these dynamic aquatic ecozones are vulnerable to poverty, poor diet and health, while these ecosystems produce highly valuable and nutritious aquatic foods. Policies addressing the specific challenges of risk management of these communities are limited by the sectoral separation of aquatic food production – the fisheries and aquaculture sector, the broader food sector – and public health institutions.
Here we provide an argument for the integration of these factors to improve aquaculture value chains to better address the nutritional challenges in Bangladesh.
The Old French Bible is the first vernacular translation of the entire Bible in medieval Europe, and it is orthodox; Samuel Berger established both points in 1884, as will be discussed below, and placed its composition between 1226 and 1250. It is followed by several other bible translations before 1500, which between them cast light on what the public expected of a bible translation in medieval France. Understanding the Old French Bible today involves identifying what its first audience expected. What is the thirteenth-century understanding of a bible? What is the contemporary understanding of translation? What status does a vernacular require to permit any texts at all to be written in it? It also involves being aware of what the attitude of the Church was to vernacular bibles. What, if anything, has changed in Church attitudes since the Christian Bible was first formed in Greek? Today's readers have inherited a history of bible translation composed in the sixteenth century, during the conflict between the reformers and the Catholic Church. Does this history reflect the expectations of French society in the thirteenth century, or does it need to be amended? Did those expectations change, and if so before or during the sixteenth century? It seems best to start with some definitions.
What precisely is a bible? Its Greek stem “biblion” is cognate with that of “bibliotheca,” a library, and its earliest meaning seems to have been a collection of books. The Latin “biblia” then specialized to mean a collection of religious books, and then a collection of Christian religious books. Yet the older sense of a general collection of books survives through Latin into Romance, so that we find in thirteenth-century France a satirical text entitled La Bible du Seigneur de Berzé (The Lord of Berzé's Bible), which brings together various follies of the secular world. It is not therefore surprising that the books comprising the Christian Bible remained unspecified, until the pressure of religious conflict made the sixteenth-century Counter-Reformation Council of Trent decide that a canon of Biblical books was necessary. All that can be said before then is that local custom and usage determined what books were normally included in any given copy of the Bible, which in Western Europe will typically have been in the Latin translation by St. Jerome which came to be known as the Vulgate.
Among the articles of the peace treaty ratified by King Robert I of Scotland at Holyrood on 17 March 1328 and by King Edward III of England at Northampton on 4 May, a treaty by which England renounced all claims of overlordship or sovereignty over Scotland, is the following clause: ‘And it is the intention of the said King of Scotland, and of the aforesaid messengers and proctors of the said King of England that, by the treaties that are now made, no manner of prejudice should be done to the right of Holy Church in the one realm or in the other.’ Holy Church was quick to take advantage of this. On the day before the signing of the treaty, 16 March, Robert I inspected a number of charters granted by his predecessors to Durham Priory, thus confirming its possession of its Scottish cell at Coldingham; in England, the close rolls show instructions given on 31 August 1328, and again on 28 October, for the restoration of lands and possessions seized during the war to a variety of religious houses in Scotland. Two petitions asking for the return of such property, from the abbot and convent of Jedburgh and the abbot of Arbroath, survive in the SC 8 class at The National Archives, Kew, as numbers SC 8/16/756 and SC 8/16/757. We know from external evidence that they were presented to the Salisbury parliament of October 1328. Both concern the return of churches: Jedburgh claimed Arthuret in Cumberland and the advowson of Abbotsley in Huntingdonshire; Arbroath asked for Haltwhistle in Northumberland. The petitions received similar responses: inquisitions were to be held and justice was to be done; as a result, Haltwhistle was returned to Arbroath on 25 May 1329 and Arthuret to Jedburgh on 22 February 1330. (The inquisition into the advowson of Abbotsley was delayed by the death of one of those appointed to hear it and it remained in the king's hand, although the parson was ordered to pay the abbot the pension due from the church.)
What immediately strikes the reader of these petitions is the very different strategies used by the supplicants. In this chapter I examine these strategies and what they say about the two houses and their occupants during the First Scottish War of Independence.
Drawing on witchcraft cases reported in newspapers and coming before Ireland's courts, this article argues that witch belief remained part of Protestant and Catholic popular culture throughout the long nineteenth century. It is shown that witchcraft belief followed patterns established in the late eighteenth century and occasioned accusations that arose from interpersonal tensions rather than sectarian conflict. From this article, a complex picture emerges of the Irish witches and their ‘victims’, who are respectively seen to have fought accusation and bewitchment using legal, magical, physical, and verbal means. In doing so, the contexts are revealed in which witchcraft was linked to other crimes such as assault, slander, theft, and fraud in an era of expansion of courts and policing. This illustrates how Irish people adapted to legal changes while maintaining traditional beliefs, and suggests that witchcraft is an overlooked context in which interpersonal violence was exerted and petty crime committed. Finally, popular and elite cultural divides are explored through the attitudes of the press and legal authorities to witchcraft allegations, and an important point of comparison for studies of witchcraft and magic in modern Europe is established.
When a gas turbine engine is shut down it will develop a circumferential thermal gradient vertically across the compressor due to hot air rising from the cooling metal components and pooling at the top. As the hot compressor rotor drum and casing cool and contract in the presence of this thermal gradient, they do so non-uniformly and therefore will bend slightly, in a phenomenon known as rotor bow. Starting an engine under bowed conditions can result in damage, representing a risk to both airworthiness and operational capability. This study consolidates some preliminary findings by the authors relating to the drivers for rotor bow, such as engine geometry, aircraft-engine integration and rotor temperature on shutdown. The commercial and military operational considerations associated with rotor bow are also discussed, including limitations which may result from a bowed rotor; the influence of operations including the final flight and descent profiles, taxi procedures and rapid turnaround requirements; as well as some practical solutions which may be implemented to reduce the impact of rotor bow.
Assessment of national dietary guidelines in a number of European countries reveals that some are based on cohort studies, focusing on total seafood consumption, while others are based on the content of EPA and DHA, distinguishing between oily and other fish. The mean actual intake of fish in most countries is around or below the recommended intake, with differences in intake of fish being present between sex and age groups. Many people do not reach the national recommendation for total fish intake. Dietary recommendations for fish and EPA/DHA are based mainly on data collected more than 10 years ago. However, methods of farmed fish production have changed considerably since then. The actual content of EPA and DHA in farmed salmon has nearly halved as the traditional finite marine ingredients fish meal and fish oil in salmon diets have been replaced with sustainable alternatives of terrestrial origin. As farmed salmon is an important source of EPA and DHA in many Western countries, our intake of these fatty acids is likely to have decreased. In addition, levels of vitamin D and Se are also found to have declined in farmed fish in the past decade. Significant changes in the EPA and DHA, vitamin D and Se content of farmed fish means that average intakes of these nutrients in Western populations are probably lower than before. This may have consequences for the health-giving properties of fish as well as future dietary recommendations for fish intake.
To quantitatively analyse expenditure on all fresh foods, fruits and vegetables (F&V) and fish across urban and rural households in Scotland. Fresh foods were chosen since, in general, they are perceived to contribute more to health than processed foods.
Descriptive analysis of purchase data of all foods brought into the home during 2012 from the Kantar Worldpanel database. Purchase data were restricted to fresh, unprocessed and raw foods or ‘fresh to frozen’ foods where freezing was part of harvesting. Total household purchases were adjusted for household size and composition.
Households (n 2576).
Rural households reported the highest expenditure per person on fresh foods and F&V, but also bought the most (kilograms) of these items. There were linear trends of average prices paid with urban–rural location (P<0·001), with average prices paid by large urban and remote rural households being £2·14/kg and £2·04/kg for fresh foods, £1·64/kg and £1·60/kg for F&V and £10·07/kg and £10·20/kg for fish, respectively, although differences were quantitatively small.
Contrary to previous studies, purchase data show that access to and average prices of fresh foods generally, and F&V and fish specifically, are broadly similar between urban and rural areas. Therefore, the higher expenditure on these foods in rural v. urban areas is probably due to factors other than pricing and availability.
The eighteenth century, a period when pain, suffering and illness was an ‘omnipresent threat’, saw medicine became more institutionally-based, increasingly state-funded, and wedded to a more scientific and analytical approach to disease. Voluntary hospitals, county infirmaries, medical supply dispensaries for the poor, the Royal Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons, and various medical guilds, schools and societies, were established or grew in importance. Collectively these institutions did much to influence how Ireland's main medical practitioners (physicians, surgeons, apothecaries) were educated, trained and organised, as well as the way the sick were cared for. While university-trained Irish physicians catered mostly for wealthy elites, the sick, rural poor usually only possessed the means or opportunity to engage the services of apothecaries or, occasionally, surgeons. Along with commercial, patent medicines, domestic remedies and self-medication, the sick had at their disposal an array of untrained, unregulated empirics, quacks, mountebanks, druggists, oculists, and faith and magical healers.
The principal aim of this chapter is to characterise the medieval translations of the Bible into French and to describe their purpose and function. To do this, a survey will be undertaken, presented in chronological order, which will show considerable stability in translation types over many centuries. The number of translations, with over 240 known from the tenth century to 1450 (and well over 300 before the Council of Trent), precludes description of individual texts, whose production peaks in the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. These peaks belong respectively to the Old French (c. 800–1300), and the Middle French (c. 1300–1550) periods, and reflect only Christian translation activity, since Jewish writers in their Hebrew texts supply occasional French glosses but do not produce extended translations. A secondary aim is to contextualise Bible translation within the kingdom of France, a kingdom in which, at its creation as western Francia in 843, Latin was the language of government and religion, Germanic and Romance varieties were spoken by the dominant families, and more than one of these varieties had, or would have in the future, a written form. This put these languages in a relation of diglossia, such that Latin was used for the so-called High functions – including religion, administration and education (hereafter H-function) – and a vernacular, Romance or Germanic or both, was used for the so-called Low functions – including conversation with family and friends (hereafter L-function). The vernaculars were, by 843, beginning to be used in writing, with the potential of competing with Latin for H-function uses.
The two earliest French Bible translations, both dating to the tenth century, a bilingual sermon on Jonah now in Valenciennes and a verse Passion now in Clermont-Ferrand, show, first, that competition with H-function Latin as the language of religion was beginning experimentally on the frontier with Germanic (Jonah) and with Occitan (Passion) and, second, a focus on the message of individual salvation through interpreting source texts, allowing their detail to be treated more freely than a literal approach to translation would allow.
There has long been a suspicion that Kant's test for the universalizability of maxims can be easily subverted: instead of risking failing the test, design your maxim for any action whatsoever in a manner guaranteed to pass. This is the problem of maxim-fiddling. The present discussion of this problem has two theses:
1] That extant approaches to maxim-fiddling are not satisfactory;
2] That a satisfactory response to maxim-fiddling can be articulated using Kantian resources, especially the first two formulations of the categorical imperative.
This approach to maxim-fiddling draws our attention to a Kantian notion of an offence against morality itself that has largely been overlooked.