Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Foreword
- Acknowledgements
- Abbreviations and acronyms
- Introduction
- 1 Protests before 1976
- 2 ‘Kroonstad was now aware’: The Black Consciousness Movement and student demonstrations, 1972–1976
- 3 The YCW, labour protest and government reforms, 1977–1984
- 4 Town council politics, student protest and community mobilisation, 1985–1989
- 5 The unbanning of the ANC, political violence and civic politics, 1990–1995
- Conclusion
- Bibliography
- Index
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Foreword
- Acknowledgements
- Abbreviations and acronyms
- Introduction
- 1 Protests before 1976
- 2 ‘Kroonstad was now aware’: The Black Consciousness Movement and student demonstrations, 1972–1976
- 3 The YCW, labour protest and government reforms, 1977–1984
- 4 Town council politics, student protest and community mobilisation, 1985–1989
- 5 The unbanning of the ANC, political violence and civic politics, 1990–1995
- Conclusion
- Bibliography
- Index
Summary
The time from the early 1950s up to 1963 was one of protest politics in Kroonstad. First, women protested against the extension of passes to include African women. Towards the end of the 1950s, the black residents – seemingly influenced by the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) – protested against the municipality's oppressive laws.
Before this time (apart from the period when the residents rallied, first behind the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union [ICU] and later, in the mid-1930s, the Registered and Ratepayers Association), black people in the locations avoided engaging in protests and confrontational politics. The reason for this, and for the intermittent existence of black radical and confrontational politics in Kroonstad, was the restrained approach adopted by the branch of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC, in 1923 renamed the African National Congress) in Kroonstad. The role played by moderate bodies such as the Native Advisory Board (NAB) and the Joint Council of Europeans and Natives (JCEN) helped to contain radical politics in the locations. Most of the residents in the old locations sincerely believed that their continued support for these bodies would yield positive results for them. But it was not to be.
The situation was made worse by the Orange Free State African Teachers Association (OFSATA) and the Society of Young Africa (SOYA). Although these bodies did not shy away from challenging the government and expressing their radical views, they nevertheless were overly cautious about not involving themselves in protest action. It did not help that their memberships, especially OFSATA's, were composed of teachers, the educated elite, who would rather discuss and negotiate matters of concern with the relevant authorities than protest. To compound the situation, after the introduction of Bantu Education in 1953 it became illegal for any teacher to publicly oppose the government. SOYA, more so than OFSATA, did not subscribe to confrontational politics but believed in generating ideas to oppose the government. In her autobiography, Phyllis Ntantala noted that SOYA's slogan was ‘We fight ideas with ideas’.
Establishment of Kroonstad and the formation of black locations
In March 1855, The Friend, a regional newspaper in the Orange Free State (OFS), reported a sale of erven (land) in the village of Klip Plaat Drift, Valsch River, in the district of Windburg. Joseph Orpen, the landdros (magistrate) of Windburg and the government land surveyor, later named this place Kroonstad.
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- Place of ThornsBlack Political Protest in Kroonstad since 1976, pp. 8 - 43Publisher: Wits University PressPrint publication year: 2015