How can my empirical findings be interpreted? More precisely, how do the causal mechanisms hypothesised in the theoretical part operate in the cases analysed in the empirical part? And what do the cases analysed teach us about social concertation in Europe? First, this chapter sums up the results and assesses the explanatory power of three variables put forward in the hypotheses: European integration, party coalitions and politicisation. Then, it assesses the applicability of the theoretical insights in other cases with a very brief comparative glance at other traditionally corporatist countries (Sweden and the Netherlands), bigger states (Spain , Italy , France and Germany) and another policy sector (pensions). Finally, it concludes with an assessment of the functions of social concertation in times of austerity and globalisation.

Assessing Explanatory Variables

European Integration

Drawing on a co-variation approach only, European integration alone cannot be considered a necessary nor a sufficient factor to explain the extent of social concertation. There is no clear difference in the extent of concertation between the Europeanised cases and the domestic cases. Most importantly, it is difficult to observe the causal mechanisms predicted by hypotheses three (European integration undermines concertation) and four (European integration strengthens concertation) in the empirical analysis.

According to hypothesis three, the negotiation of the transitional arrangements at the supranational level in Austria should have been characterised by minimal concertation because it could have allowed the government to “cut slack” vis-à-vis social partners. However, there was a strong involvement of trade unions and employers in this case. In the Swiss case, the extent of concertation was also clearly more important in the Europeanised case, therefore also contradicting the idea of a systematic government empowerment to the detriment of social partners in Europeanised issues. In a nutshell, governments cannot “cut slack” if issues have become highly salient for voters, and if they need to build a domestic compromise about the adaptation to European integration.

In some respects, the only Europeanised case where one could see such a strategy of “cutting slack” was the domestic implementation of the free movement of workers in Austria under the övp/fpö government.