Book contents
- Producing Reproductive Rights
- Producing Reproductive Rights
- Copyright page
- Dedication
- Contents
- Figures
- Tables
- Preface
- Acknowledgments
- 1 Introduction: Producing Reproductive Rights
- Part I Civil Society Sphere
- Part II State Government Sphere
- Part III The International Sphere
- 8 Conclusions
- References
- Index
- References
References
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 July 2019
Book contents
- Producing Reproductive Rights
- Producing Reproductive Rights
- Copyright page
- Dedication
- Contents
- Figures
- Tables
- Preface
- Acknowledgments
- 1 Introduction: Producing Reproductive Rights
- Part I Civil Society Sphere
- Part II State Government Sphere
- Part III The International Sphere
- 8 Conclusions
- References
- Index
- References
Summary
A summary is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Producing Reproductive RightsDetermining Abortion Policy Worldwide, pp. 196 - 220Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2019
References
Abbas, J. A., & Weir, D. (2005). Islamic perspectives on management and organization. Journal of Management, Spirituality and Religion, 2(3), 410–415.Google Scholar
Abbott, K. W., & Snidal, D. (1998). Why states act through formal international organizations. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 42(1), 3–32.Google Scholar
Adams, M., & Kang, A. (2007). Regional advocacy networks and the protocol on the rights of women in Africa. Politics and Gender, 3, 451–474.Google Scholar
Adler, E. (2005). Communitarian international relations: The epistemic foundations of international relations. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. (2014). General Comment No. 2 on Article 14.1 (a), (b), (c) and (f) and Article 14. 2 (a) and (c) of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Luanda, Angola: Author.Google Scholar
African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. (2016). Ratification Table: Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Retrieved from www.achpr.org/instruments/women-protocol/ratification//Google Scholar
African Union. (2003). Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Maputo, Mozambique: Author.Google Scholar
Akwei, I. (2017, July 10). Rwanda has been ranked highest country in the world with most women in parliament as of January 2017. Retrieved July 5, 2018, from www.africanews.com/2017/07/10/rwanda-tops-un-list-of-countries-with-most-women-in-parliament//Google Scholar
Alesina, A., Devleeschauwer, A., Easterly, W., Kurlat, S., & Wacziarg, R. (2003). Fractionalization. Journal of Economic Growth, 8, 155–194.Google Scholar
Alger, C. F. (2002). Religion as a peace tool. The Global Review of Ethnopolitics, 1(4), 94–109.Google Scholar
Al Gharaibeh, F. (2011). Women’s empowerment in Bahrain. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 12(3), 96–113.Google Scholar
Allahbadia, G. M., Allahbadia, S. G., & Arora, S. (2009). Hinduism and reproduction in contemporary India: Vedic learnings. In Faith and fertility: Attitudes towards reproductive practices in different religions from ancient to modern time, edited by Blyth, E. and Landau, R. (pp. 111–136). London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.Google Scholar
Al‐Rasheed, M. (2011). Sectarianism as counter‐revolution: Saudi responses to the Arab Spring. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, 11(3), 513–526.Google Scholar
Altemeyer, B., & Hunsberger, B. (2004). A revised religious fundamentalism scale: The short and sweet of it. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 14(1), 45–54.Google Scholar
Alvarez, R., & Brehm, J. (1995). American ambivalence towards abortion policy: Development of a heteroskedastic probit model of competing values. American Journal of Political Science, 39(4), 1055–1082.Google Scholar
Asal, V., Brown, M., & Figueroa, R. (2008). Structure, empowerment and the liberalization of cross-national abortion rights. Politics and Gender, 4, 265–284.Google Scholar
Asal, V., Murdie, A., & Sommer, U. (2017). Rainbows for rights: The role of LGBT activism in gay rights promotion. Societies Without Borders, 12(1) 1–19.Google Scholar
Asal, V., Sommer, U., & Harwood, P. (2013). Original sin: A cross national study of the legality of homosexual acts. Comparative Political Studies, 46(3), 320–351.Google Scholar
Asuagbor, L. (2016, March 18). Status of Implementation of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa.Google Scholar
Avdeev, A., Blum, A., & Troitskaya, I. (1995). The history of abortion statistics in Russia and the USSR from 1900 to 1991. Population: An English Selection, 7, 39–66Google Scholar
Avdeyeva, O. (2007). When do states comply with international treaties? Policies on violence against women in post-Communist countries. International Studies Quarterly, 51, pp. 877–900.Google Scholar
Bader, V. (2007). Secularism or democracy? Associational governance of religious diversity. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.Google Scholar
Bahrain Mirror. (2018, April 7). Chamber of Commerce rejects motion to grant female employees abortion leaves. Retrieved from bahrainmirror.com/en/news/46272.Google Scholar
Bahry, L. (1997). The opposition in Bahrain: A Bellwether for the Gulf? Middle East Policy, 5(2), 42–57.Google Scholar
Bakht, N. (2007). Religious arbitration in Canada: Protecting women by protecting them from religion. Canadian Journal of Women and Law, 19, 119–144.Google Scholar
Banda, F. (2006). Blazing a trail: The African Protocol on Women’s Rights comes into force. Journal of African Law, 50(1), 72–84.Google Scholar
Barnea, M. F., & Schwartz, S. H. (1998). Values and voting. Political Psychology, 19(1), 17–40.Google Scholar
Barnett, M. N., & Finnemore, M. (1999). The politics, power, and pathologies of international organizations. International Organization, 53(4), 699–732.Google Scholar
Barnhart, M. G. (2009). Buddhist family values: Fertility and technological intervention in the quest for enlightenment. In Faith and fertility: Attitudes towards reproductive practices in different religions from ancient to modern time, edited by Blyth, E. and Landau, R. (pp. 158–178). London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.Google Scholar
Barton, J. R., & Murray, W. E. (2002). The end of transition? Chile 1990–2000. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 21(3), 329–338.Google Scholar
Basinga, P., Moore, A. M., Singh, S. D., Carlin, E. E., Birungi, F., & Ngabo, F. (2012). Abortion incidence and postabortion care in Rwanda. Studies in Family Planning, 43(1), 11–20.Google Scholar
Bauer, G., & Burnet, J. E. (2013). Gender quotas, democracy, and women’s representation in Africa: Some insights from democratic Botswana and autocratic Rwanda. Women’s Studies International Forum 41, 103–112.Google Scholar
BBC Country Profiles. (2012). Chile timeline. Retrieved July 30, 2018, www.bbc.co.ukhttp://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/country_profiles/1222905.stmGoogle Scholar
BBC News. (2017). Chile abortion: Court approves easing total ban. Retrieved August 1, 2018, www.bbc.comhttps://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-41005517Google Scholar
BBC News. (2004, November 18). Chile introduces right to divorce. Retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4021427.stmGoogle Scholar
BBC Rwanda Profile. (2018). Rwanda profile – Timeline. Retrieved July 18, 2018, from www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14093322Google Scholar
Behuria, A. K. (2004). Sunni‐Shia relations in Pakistan: The widening divide. Strategic Analysis, 28(1), 157–176.Google Scholar
Bélanger, D., & Flynn, A. (2009). The persistence of induced abortion in Cuba. Exploring the notion of an “abortion culture.” Studies in Family Planning, 40(1), 13–26.Google Scholar
Bellamak, T. (2018). Terry Bellamak: Law commission has its work cut out on abortion. Retrieved July 26, 2018, from www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=12026649Google Scholar
Benne, R. (2010). Good and bad ways to think about religion and politics. Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing.Google Scholar
Berkman, M. B., & O’Connor, R. E. (1993). Do women legislators matter? Female legislators and state abortion policy. American Politics Quarterly, 21(1), 102–124.Google Scholar
Berkovitch, N. (1999a). From motherhood to citizenship: Women’s rights and international organizations. Baltimore: JHU Press.Google Scholar
Berkovitch, N. (1999b). The emergence and transformation of the international women’s movement. In Constructing world culture: International nongovernmental organizations since 1875, edited by Boli, J. & Thomas, G. M. (pp. 100–126). Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Bhalotra, S., & Clots-Figueras, I. (2014). Health and the political agency of women. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 6(2), 164–97.Google Scholar
Bird, K. (2014). Ethnic quotas and ethnic representation worldwide. International Political Science Review, 35(1), 12–26.Google Scholar
Blofield, M. (2001). The politics of “moral sin”: A study of abortion and divorce in Catholic Chile since 1990. Santiago: FLACSO-Chile.Google Scholar
Bogaards, M. (2009). How to classify hybrid regimes? Defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism. Democratization, 16(2), 399–423.Google Scholar
Boli, J., & Thomas, G. M. (1999). Constructing world culture: International nongovernmental organizations since 1875. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Booth, C., & Bennett, C. (2002). Gender mainstreaming in the European Union: Towards a new conception and practice of equal opportunities? European Journal of Women’s Studies, 9(4), 430–446.Google Scholar
Boulay, M., Tweedie, I., & Fiagbey, E. (2008). The effectiveness of a national communication campaign using religious leaders to reduce HIV-related stigma in Ghana. African Journal of AIDS Research, 7(1), 133–141.Google Scholar
Boyle, E., Kim, M., & Longhofer, W. (2015). Abortion liberalization in world society, 1960–2009. American Journal of Sociology, 121(3), 882–913.Google Scholar
Bratton, K. A. (2005). Critical mass theory revisited: The behavior and success of token women in state legislatures. Politics & Gender, 1(1), 97–125.Google Scholar
Braun, D., & Gilardi, F. (2006). Taking “Galton’s problem” seriously: Towards a theory of policy diffusion. Journal of Theoretical Politics, 18(3), 298–322.Google Scholar
Brookes, B. (2016). A history of New Zealand women. Wellington, NZ: Bridget Williams Books.Google Scholar
Brookman-Amissah, E., & Bando Mayo, J. (2004). Abortion law reform in sub-Saharan Africa: No turning back. Reproductive Health Matters, 12(24), 227–234.Google Scholar
Brossard, D., Scheufele, D., Kim, E., & Lewenstein, B. (2009). Religiosity as a perceptual filter: Examining processes of opinion formation about nanotechnology. Public Understanding of Science, 18(5), 546–558.Google Scholar
Burnet, J. (2008). Gender balance and the meanings of women in governance in post-genocide Rwanda. African Affairs, 107(428), 361–386.Google Scholar
Burnet, J. E. (2011). Women have found respect: Gender quotas, symbolic representation, and female empowerment in Rwanda. Politics & Gender, 7(3), 303–334.Google Scholar
Bush, S. S. (2011). International politics and the spread of quotas for women in legislatures. International Organization, 65(1), 103–137.Google Scholar
Buvinic, M., Gupta, M. D., Casabonne, U., & Verwimp, P. (2013). Violent conflict and gender inequality: An overview. Washington, DC: The World Bank.Google Scholar
Campbell, R. (2004). Gender, ideology and issue preference: Is there such a thing as a political women’s interest in Britain? The British Journal of Politics & International Relations, 6(1), 20–44.Google Scholar
Carey, J. M., & Shugart, M. S. (1995). Incentives to cultivate a personal vote: A rank ordering of electoral formulas. Electoral Studies, 14(4), 417–439.Google Scholar
Carlsnaes, W., Risse-Kappen, T., Risse, T., & Simmons, B. A. (2002). Handbook of international relations. London: Sage.Google Scholar
Carothers, T. (2002). The end of the transition paradigm. Journal of Democracy, 13(1), 5–21.Google Scholar
Casas, L., & Vivaldi, L. (2014). Abortion in Chile: The practice under a restrictive regime. Reproductive Health Matters, 22(44), 70–81.Google Scholar
Castles, F. G. (2003). The world turned upside down: Below replacement fertility, changing preferences and family-friendly public policy in 21 OECD countries. Journal of European Social Policy, 13(3), 209–227.Google Scholar
Caul, M. (2001). Political parties and the adoption of candidate gender quotas: A cross-national analysis. The Journal of Politics, 63(4), 1214–1229.Google Scholar
Celis Brunet, A., Castro, R., & Scroggie, M. (2009). Religion and law in the non-confessional Chilean state. Provo, Utah: International Center for Law and Religion Studies, Brigham Young University.Google Scholar
Celis, K., & Childs, S. (2008). Introduction: The descriptive and substantive representation of women: New directions. Parliamentary Affairs, 61(3), 419–425.Google Scholar
Chen, L. J. (2010). Do gender quotas influence women’s representation and policies? The European Journal of Comparative Economics, 7(1), 13–60.Google Scholar
Childs, S. (2001). In their own words: New Labour women and the substantive representation of women. The British Journal of Politics & International Relations, 3(2), 173–190.Google Scholar
Childs, S., & Krook, M. L. (2008). Critical mass theory and women’s political representation. Political Studies, 56(3), 725–736.Google Scholar
Childs, S., & Krook, M. L. (2006). Should feminists give up on critical mass? A contingent yes. Politics & Gender, 2(4), 522–530.Google Scholar
Childs, S., & Lovenduski, J. (2012). Political representation. In The Oxford handbook of gender and politics, edited by G. Waylen, K. Celis, J. Kantola, & L. Weldon. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Childs, S., & Withey, J. (2004). Women representatives acting for women: Sex and the signing of Early Day Motions in the 1997 British Parliament. Political Studies, 52, 552–564.Google Scholar
Chile’s Constitution of 1980. (1980). Retrieved from www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Chile_2012.pdfGoogle Scholar
Chirwa, D. M. (2006). Reclaiming (wo)manity: The merits and demerits of the African Protocol on Women’s Rights. Netherlands International Law Review, 53(1), 63–96.Google Scholar
Cingranelli, D. L., Richards, D. L., & Clay, C. K. (2014). The CIRI human rights dataset. Retrieved from www.humanrightsdata.com.Google Scholar
Clayton, A., & Zetterberg, P. (2018). Quota shocks: Electoral gender quotas and government spending priorities worldwide. The Journal of Politics, 80(3), 916–932.Google Scholar
Clayton, R., & Gladden, J. (1974, June). The five dimensions of religiosity: Toward demythologizing a sacred artifact. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 13(2), 135–143.Google Scholar
Cohen, J. L., & Arato, A. (1994). Civil Society and Political Theory. Cambridge: MIT Press.Google Scholar
Combs, M. W., & Welch, S. (1982). Blacks, whites and attitudes toward abortion. Public Opinion Quarterly, 46, 510–520.Google Scholar
Cook, E. A., Jelen, T. G., & Wilcox, C. (1993). State political cultures and public opinion about abortion. Political Research Quarterly, 46, 771–781.Google Scholar
Cortell, A. P., & Davis Jr, J. W. (1996). How do international institutions matter? The domestic impact of international rules and norms. International Studies Quarterly, 40(4), 451–478.Google Scholar
Council of Europe. (2011). Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence. Istanbul: Author.Google Scholar
Cudworth, E. (2007). The modern state: Theories and ideologies. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.Google Scholar
Curtin, J. (1997). Gender and political leadership in New Zealand. Parliamentary Library: Research Note 14, 1997–1998.Google Scholar
Dahlerup, D. (2006). The story of the theory of critical mass. Politics & Gender, 2(4), 511–522.Google Scholar
Dahlerup, D. (1988). From a small to a large minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics. Scandinavian Political Studies, 11(4), 275–298.Google Scholar
Dahlerup, D., & Freidenvall, L. (2005). Quotas as a “fast track” to equal representation for women: Why Scandinavia is no longer the model. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 7(1), 26–48.Google Scholar
Damian, C. I. (2010). Abortion from the perspective of Eastern religions: Hinduism and Buddhism. Romanian Journal of Bioethics, 8(1), 124–136.Google Scholar
Davis, K. (2009). The emperor is still naked: Why the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa leaves women exposed to more discrimination. Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law, 42, 949–992.Google Scholar
Davison, I. (2018, June 19). New Zealand’s abortion rate rises slightly, though teen abortions fall. Retrieved from www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=12073574Google Scholar
DeJong, J. (2001). The role and limitations of the Cairo International Conference on Population and Development. Social Science and Medicine, 51, 941–953.Google Scholar
De Paola, M., Lombardo, R., & Scoppa, V. (2009). Can gender quotas break down negative stereotypes? Evidence from changes in electoral rules. Working Paper. Calabria, Italy: University of Calabria, Department of Economics and Statistics.Google Scholar
De Walque, D., & Verwimp, P. (2009). The demographic and socio-economic distribution of excess mortality during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Brussels: The World Bank, Development Research Group.Google Scholar
Devlin, C., & Elgie, R. (2008). The effect of increased women’s representation in Parliament: The case of Rwanda. Parliamentary Affairs, 61(2), 237–254.Google Scholar
Diamond, L. (1999). Developing democracy: Toward consolidation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
Diamond, L. (2002). Thinking about hybrid regimes. Journal of Democracy, 13(2), 21–35.Google Scholar
Diaz, M. M. (2005). Representing women? Female legislators in West European Parliaments. Colchester, UK: ECPR Press.Google Scholar
Dietrich, S., & Murdie, A. (2017). Human rights shaming through INGOs and foreign aid delivery. The Review of International Organizations, 12(1), 95–120.Google Scholar
Djupe, P. A., & Gilbert, C. P. (2008). The political influence of churches. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Doan, L. (2010). Rwandan women and the 1994 genocide: The effect on their social and political roles. Washington, DC: Georgetown University.Google Scholar
Doh, J. P., & Guay, T. R. (2004). Globalization and corporate social responsibility: How non-governmental organizations influence labor and environmental codes of conduct. Management and International Review, 44(2), 7–29.Google Scholar
Dominguez, J. (1994). Parties, elections, and political participation in Latin America. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Dovi, S. (2002). Preferable descriptive representatives: Will just any woman, black, or Latino Do? American Political Science Review, 96(4), 729–743.Google Scholar
Dreher, A. (2006). Does globalization affect growth? Evidence from a new Index of Globalization. Applied Economics, 38(10), 1091–1110.Google Scholar
Driessen, M. D. (2010). Religion, state and democracy: Analyzing two dimensions of church-state relations. Politics and Religion, 3, 55–80.Google Scholar
Dryzek, J. S., & Niemeyer, S. (2008). Discursive representation. The American Political Science Review, 102(4), 481–493.Google Scholar
Dunn, E., & Hann, C. (1996). Civil society: Challenging Western models. New York: Psychology Press.Google Scholar
Ebeku, K. S. (2004). A new hope for African women: Overview of Africa’s protocol on women’s rights. Nordic Journal of African Studies, 13(3), 264–274.Google Scholar
Echavarri, R. & Husillos, J. (2016). The missing link between parents’ preferences and daughters’ survival: The moderator effect of societal discrimination. World Development, 78, 372–85.Google Scholar
Edmond, J. (2016). 1960s abortion law unacceptable for 21st century women of New Zealand. Retrieved July 25, 2018, from www.stuff.co.nzwww.stuff.co.nz/dominion-post/comment/81738291/1960s-abortion-law-unacceptable-for-21st-century-women-of-new-zealandGoogle Scholar
Edwards, B., & Foley, M. W. (1998). Civil society and social capital beyond Putnam. American Behavioral Scientist, 42(1), 124–139.Google Scholar
Edwards, J. (2013). Painful birth: How Chile became a free and prosperous society. Landham, MD: University Press of America.Google Scholar
El, Desconcierto. (2018, February 10). Retrieved from www.eldesconcierto.cl/2018/02/10/la-historia-del-primer-aborto-legal-realizado-en-el-hospital-san-jose/Google Scholar
Elkins, Z., & Simmons, B. (2005). On waves, clusters, and diffusion: A conceptual framework. The Annals of the American Academy, 598, 33–51.Google Scholar
Ellina, C. (2003). Promoting women’s rights: Politics of gender in the European Union. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Encuesta Nacional Bicentenario. (2017). Encuesta Nacional Bicentenario 2017: Religión. Retrieved from https://encuestabicentenario.uc.cl (in Spanish)Google Scholar
Engeli, I. (2009). The challenges of abortion and assisted reproductive technologies policies in Europe. Comparative European Politics, 7, 56–74.Google Scholar
Engeli, I., Green-Pedersen, C., & Larsen, L. (2013). The puzzle of permissiveness: Understanding policy processes concerning morality issues. Journal of European Public Policy, 20(3), 335–352.Google Scholar
European Parliament. (2003, December 4). Oral Question (H-0794/03) for Question Time at the part-session in December 2003 pursuant to Rule 43 of the Rules of Procedure by Dana Scallon to the Council.Google Scholar
Fallon, K. M., Swiss, L., & Viterna, J. (2012). Resolving the democracy paradox: Democratization and women’s legislative representation in developing nations, 1975 to 2009. American Sociological Review, 77(3), 380–408.Google Scholar
Family First Lobby Press Release. (2008, June 10). Abortion Supervisory Committee Deserves Criticism. Retrieved from www.scoop.co.nz/stories/PO0806/S00090.htmGoogle Scholar
Fastnow, C., Grant, J. T., & Rudolph, T. J. (1999). Holy roll calls: Religious tradition and voting behavior in the US House. Social Science Quarterly, 80(4), 687–701.Google Scholar
Fincher, R. A. (1994). International Conference on Population and Development. Environmental Policy and Law, 24(6), 309–312.Google Scholar
Finnemore, M. (1996). National interests in international society. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Finnemore, M. (1993). International organizations as teachers of norms: The United Nations educational, scientific, and cultural organization and science policy. International Organization, 47(4), 565–597.Google Scholar
Finnoff, K. (2012). Intimate partner violence, female employment, and male backlash in Rwanda. The Economics of Peace and Security Journal, 7(2), 14–24.Google Scholar
Fleet, M., & Smith, B. H. (1997). The Catholic Church and democracy in Chile and Peru. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press.Google Scholar
Foley, M. W., & Edwards, B. (1996). The paradox of civil society. Journal of Democracy, 7(3), 38–52.Google Scholar
Forman-Rabinovici, A., & Sommer, U. (2018a). An impediment to gender equality? Religion’s influence on development and reproductive policy. World Development, 105, 48–58. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.12.024Google Scholar
Forman‐Rabinovici, A., & Sommer, U. (2018b). Reproductive health policy‐makers: Comparing the influences of international and domestic institutions on abortion policy. Public Administration, 96(1), 185–199. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12383Google Scholar
Fortin-Rittberger, J., & Rittberger, B. (2014). Do electoral rules matter? Explaining national differences in women’s representation in the European Parliament. European Union Politics, 15(4), 496–520.Google Scholar
Fox, J. (2018). An introduction to religion and politics: Theory and practice. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Fox, J. (2001). Religion as an overlooked element of international relations. International Studies Review, 3(3), 53–73.Google Scholar
Franceschet, S., & Piscopo, J. (2008). Gender quotas and women’s substantive representation: Lessons from Argentina. Politics and Gender, 4, 393–425.Google Scholar
Franceschet, S., Krook, M., & Piscopo, J. M. (2012). The impact of gender quotas. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Fukuyama, F. (2001). Social capital, civil society and development. Third World Quarterly, 22(1), 7–20.Google Scholar
Ganatra, B., Tunçalp, Ö., Bart Johnston, H., Johnson, B. R., Gülmezoglu, A. M., & Temmerman, M. (2014). From concept to measurement: Operationalizing the WHO’s definition of unsafe abortion. Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 92, 155.Google Scholar
Garnett, R. W. (2009). A hands-off approach to religious doctrine: What are we talking about? Notre Dame Law Review, 84(2), 837–864.Google Scholar
Gelb, J. (1996). Abortion and reproductive choice: Policy and politics in Japan. In Abortion politics: Public policy in cross-cultural perspective, edited by Githens, M. & Stetson, D. M.(pp. 119–137). Abington on Thames, United Kingdom: Routledge.Google Scholar
Gelman, A. (2006). Multilevel (hierarchical) modeling: What it can and cannot do. Technometrics, 48(3), 432–435.Google Scholar
Germain, A., & Kidwell, J. (2005). The unfinished agenda for reproductive health: Priorities for the next 10 Years. International Family Planning Perspectives, 31(2), 90–93.Google Scholar
Gerntholtz, L., Gibbs, A., & Willan, S. (2011). The African Women’s Protocol: Bringing attention to reproductive rights and the MDGs. PLOS Medicine, 8(4), 1–4.Google Scholar
Gerson, C. M. (2005). Toward an international standard of abortion rights: Two obstacles. Chicago Journal of International Law, 5(2),753–61.Google Scholar
Gidron, B., Bar, M., & Katz, H. (2004). The Israeli third sector: Between welfare state and civil society. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers.Google Scholar
Gilardi, F. (2012). Transnational diffusion: Norms, ideas, and policies. In Handbook of International Relations edited by Carlsnaes, W., Risse, T., & Simmons, B. (pp. 453–477). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Google Scholar
Gill, A. (1998). Rendering unto Caesar: The Catholic Church and the state in Latin America. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Githens, M., & Stetson, D. M. (1996). Abortion politics: Public policy in cross-cultural perspective. Abingdon on Thames, United Kingdom: Routledge.Google Scholar
Glasier, A., & Gülmezoglu, M. (2006). Putting sexual and reproductive health on the agenda. The Lancet, 368(9547), 1550–1551.Google Scholar
Glock, C. Y. (1972). On the study of religious commitment. In Religion’s influence in contemporary society: Readings in the sociology of religion, edited by Faulkner, J. E. (pp. 38–56). Marietta, OH: Charles E. Merrill.Google Scholar
Gonzalez, N. (2009). The Sunni-Shia conflict: Understanding sectarian violence in the Middle East. Orange County, CA: Nortia Press.Google Scholar
Goodman, R., & Jinks, D. (2004). How to influence states: Socialization and international human rights law. Duke Law Journal, 54(3), 621–703.Google Scholar
Goodman, R., & Jinks, D. (2003). Measuring the effects of human rights treaties. European Journal of International Law, 14(1), 171–183.Google Scholar
Gourevitch, P. (1998 ). We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families: Stories from Rwanda. Gordonsville, VA: Picador.Google Scholar
Government Offices of Sweden. (2018, August). Handbook of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. Retrieved from https://www.government.se/reports/2018/08/handbook-swedens-feminist-foreign-policy/Google Scholar
Grant, R., & Keohane, R. O. (2005). Accountability and abuses of power in world politics. American Political Science Review, 99, 29–44.Google Scholar
Green, E. (2018, January 16). As Pope Francis visits, Chileans question their allegiance to the Catholic Church. Retrieved from www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2018/01/16/pope-francis-visits-chileans-question-their-allegiance-catholic-church/1035515001Google Scholar
Greenhill, B. (2010). The company you keep: International socialization and the diffusion of human rights norms. International Studies Quarterly, 54(1), 127–145.Google Scholar
Grey, S. (2006). Numbers and beyond: The relevance of critical mass in gender research. Politics and Gender, 2(4), 492–502.Google Scholar
Grey, S. (2002). Does size matter? Critical mass and New Zealand’s female MPs. Parliamentary Affairs, 55, 19–29.Google Scholar
Grim, B., & Finke, R. (2006). International religion indexes: Government regulation, government favoritism, and social regulation of religion. Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion, 2(1), 2–40.Google Scholar
Grimshaw, P. (2000). Settler anxieties, indigenous peoples, and women’s suffrage in the colonies of Australia, New Zealand, and Hawai’i, 1888 to 1902. Pacific Historical Review, 69(4), 553–572.Google Scholar
Grimshaw, P. (1972). Women’s suffrage in New Zealand. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Grossman, D., Grindlay, K., & Burns, B. (2016). Public funding for abortion where broadly legal. Contraception, 94(5), 453–460.Google Scholar
Grzymala-Busse, A. (2012). Why comparative politics should take religion (more) seriously. The Annual Review of Political Science, 15, 421–442.Google Scholar
Guiraudon, V. (2000). European courts and foreigners’ rights: A comparative study of norms diffusion. International Migration Review, 34(4), 1088–1125.Google Scholar
Guttmacher Institute. (2013, April). Fact sheet: Abortion in Rwanda. Retrieved from www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/abortion-rwandaGoogle Scholar
Gygli, S., Florian, H., Potfrake, N., & Sturm, J. E. (2019). The KOF Globalisation Index – revisited. Review of International Organizations. New York: Springer. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-019-09344-2Google Scholar
Haas, P. M. (1992). Introduction: Epistemic communities and international policy coordination. International Organization, 46(1), 1–35.Google Scholar
Haddad, L. B., & Nour, N. M. (2009). Unsafe abortion: Unnecessary maternal mortality. Reviews in Obstetrics and Gynecology, 2(2), 122–126.Google Scholar
Hafner-Burton, E. M. (2005). Trading human rights: How preferential trade agreements influence government repression. International Organization, 59(3), 593–629.Google Scholar
Hamilton, H. (2000). Rwanda’s women: The key to reconstruction. Retrieved July 18, 2018, from www.reliefweb.int:%20https://reliefweb.int/report/rwanda/rwandas-women-key-reconstructionGoogle Scholar
Hanson, E. O. (1987). The Catholic Church in world politics. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Hathaway, O. A. (2002). Do human rights treaties make a difference? Yale Law Journal, 112, 1935–2042.Google Scholar
He, Q. (1996). The crucial role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security. Legal Aspects of International Organizations, 6(1), 77–90.Google Scholar
Hempel, M. (1996). Reproductive health and rights: Origins of and challenges to the ICPD agenda. Health Transition Review, 6(1), 73–85.Google Scholar
Herring, E. (2002). Between Iraq and a hard place: A critique of the British government’s case for UN economic sanctions. Review of International Studies, 28, 39–56.Google Scholar
Hessini, L. (2005). Global progress in abortion advocacy and policy: An assessment of the decade since ICPD. Reproductive Health Matters, 13(25), 88–100.Google Scholar
Hessini, L., Brookman-Amissah, E., & Crane, B. (2006). Global policy change and women’s access to safe abortion: The Impact of the World Health Organization’s guidance in Africa. African Journal of Reproductive Health, 10(2), 14–27.Google Scholar
Hildebrandt, A. (2015). What shapes abortion Law? – A global perspective. Global Policy, 6(4), 418–428.Google Scholar
Hofmann, D. A. (1997). An overview of the logic and rationale of hierarchical linear models, Journal of Management, 23(6), 723–744.Google Scholar
Htun, M. (2004). Is gender like ethnicity? The political representation of identity groups. Perspectives on Politics, 2(3), 439–458.Google Scholar
Htun, M. (2003). Sex and the state: Abortion, divorce, and the family under Latin American dictatorships and democracies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Htun, M., & Power, T. (2006). Gender, parties, and support for equal rights in the Brazilian Congress. Latin American Politics and Society, 48(4), 83–104.Google Scholar
Htun, M., & Weldon, S. L. (2018). The logics of gender justice: State action on women’s rights around the world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Htun, M., & Weldon, S. L. (2012). The civic origins of progressive policy change: Combating the violence against women in global perspective, 1975–2005. American Political Science Review, 106(3), 548–569.Google Scholar
Htun, M., & Weldon, S. L. (2010). When do governments promote women’s rights? A framework for the comparative analysis of sex equality policy. Perspectives on Politics, 8(1), 207–216.Google Scholar
Hurley, E. (2017, November 7). Record level of women in New Zealand Parliament. Retrieved from www.newshub.co.nz/home/politics/2017/11/record-levels-of-women-in-new-zealand-parliament.htmlGoogle Scholar
Hyde, S. D. (2017). The pseudo-democrat’s dilemma: Why election observation became an international norm. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas. (2006, October). Compendio estadistico 2006. Madrid: Author.Google Scholar
Inter-Parliamentary Union. (2018, April). Women in Parliaments. Geneva: Author. Retrieved from http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/arc/classif010418.htmGoogle Scholar
Iversen, T., & Rosenbluth, F. (2008). Work and power: The connection between female labor force participation and female political representation. Annual Review of Political Science, 11, 479–495.Google Scholar
Jackson, R., & Sørensen, G. (2016). Introduction to international relations: Theories and approaches (6th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Jacobson, J. L. (2000). Transforming family planning programmes: Towards a framework for advancing the reproductive rights agenda. Reproductive Health Matters, 8(15), 21–32.Google Scholar
Jain, S. (2003). The right to family planning, contraception and abortion: The Hindu view. In Sacred rights: The case for contraception and abortion in world religion, edited by Maguire, D. C. (pp. 129–143). New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Jan, T., Dahlberg, S., Holmberg, S., Rothstein, B., Hartmann, F., & Svensson, R. (2015). The Quality of Government Standard Dataset, version Jan 15. Retrieved October 19, 2015, from www.qog.pol.gu.se.Google Scholar
Jelen, T. G. (2014). The subjective bases of abortion attitudes: A cross national comparison of religious traditions. Politics and Religion, 7, 550–567.Google Scholar
Jelen, T. G., & Wilcox, C. (2003). Causes and consequences of public attitudes toward abortion: A review and research agenda. Political Research Quarterly, 56(4), 489–500.Google Scholar
Joecks, J., Pull, K., & Vetter, K. (2013). Gender diversity in the boardroom and firm performance: What exactly constitutes a “critical mass?”. Journal of Business Ethics, 118(1), 61–72.Google Scholar
Johnson, J., & Saarinen, A. (2013). Twenty-first-century feminisms under repression: Gender regime change and the Women’s Crisis Center Movement in Russia. Signs 38(3), 543–567.Google Scholar
Jonas, O. (2012). The practice of polygamy under the scheme of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa: A critical appraisal. Journal of African Studies and Development, 4(5), 142–149.Google Scholar
Jones, M. P. (2008). Gender quotas, electoral laws, and the election of women: Evidence from the Latin American vanguard. Comparative Political Studies, 42(1), 56–81.Google Scholar
Joshi, D. K. (2013). The representation of younger age cohorts in Asian Parliaments: Do electoral systems make a difference? Representation, 49(1), 1–16.Google Scholar
Joshi, S., & Sivaram, A. (2014). Does it pay to deliver? An evaluation of India’s safe motherhood program. World Development, 64, 434–47.Google Scholar
Karolak, M. (2010). Religion in a political context: The case of the Kingdom of Bahrain. Asia Journal of Global Studies, 4(1), 4–20.Google Scholar
Katzenstein, P. J. (1996). The culture of national security. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Keck, M. E., & Sikkink, K. (1999). Transnational advocacy networks in international and regional politics. International Social Science Journal, 51(159), 89–101.Google Scholar
Kelly, S. (2009). Recent gains and new opportunities for women’s rights in the Gulf Arab states. Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa: Gulf Edition, 1–8. New York: Freedom House.Google Scholar
Kelly, S., & Breslin, J. (2010). Women’s rights in the Middle East and North Africa: Progress amid resistance. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.Google Scholar
Kenworthy, L., & Malami, M. (1999). Gender inequality in political representation: A worldwide comparative analysis. Social Forces, 78(1), 235–268.Google Scholar
Khagram, S. (2004). Dams and development: Transnational struggles for water and power. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Khagram, S., Riker, J. V., & Sikkink, K. (2002). Restructuring world politics: Transnational social movements, networks, and norms. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.Google Scholar
Kimenyi, B. (2011). What the law says about abortion. Retrieved July 17, 2018, from www.newtimes.co.rw: www.newtimes.co.rw/section/read/97435.Google Scholar
King, J. S. (2012). Genetic tests: Politics and fetal diagnostics collide. Nature, 491, 33–34.Google Scholar
Kingsbury, B., Krisch, N., & Stewart, R. B. (2005). The emergence of global administrative law. Law and Contemporary Problems, 68(3/4), 15–61.Google Scholar
Kittilson, M. C. (2005). In support of gender quotas: Setting new standards, bringing visible gains. Politics and Gender, 1(4), 638–644.Google Scholar
Knill, C., Preidel, C., & Nebel, K. (2014). Brake rather than barrier: The impact of the Catholic Church on morality policies in Western Europe. West European Politics, 37(5), 845–866.Google Scholar
Koh, H. H. (1999). How is international human rights law enforced? Indiana Law Journal, 74, 1397–1417.Google Scholar
Kortmann, M. (2018). When are churches allowed to discriminate? How churches’ role in public service delivery affects employment equality regulations. Acta Politica, 1–22.Google Scholar
Kozak, P. (2018). Chile president-elect reveals hardline cabinet with ties to Pinochet. Retrieved August 1, 2018, from www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jan/23/chile-president-elect-sebastian-pinera-andres-chadwickGoogle Scholar
Kozak, P. (2017). ‘A triumph of reason’: Chile approves landmark bill to ease abortion ban. Retrieved August 1, 2018, from www.theguardian.com/global-development/2017/aug/22/chile-abortion-bill-michelle-bachelet-a-triumph-of-reason-ease-abortion-banGoogle Scholar
Krook, M. L. (2006). Reforming representation: The diffusion of candidate gender quotas worldwide. Politics and Gender, 2, 303–327.Google Scholar
Krook, M. L., Franceschet, S., & Piscopo, J. M., eds. (2009). The impact of gender quotas: A research agenda. First European Conference on Politics and Gender. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Krook, M., & O’Brien, D. Z. (2010). The politics of group representation: Quotas for women and minorities worldwide. Comparative Politics, 42(3), 253–272.Google Scholar
Krook, M., & Zetterberg, P. (2014). Electoral quotas and political representation: comparative perspectives. International Political Science Review, 35(1), 3–11.Google Scholar
Kwibuka, E. (2017, October 6). Government moves to relax anti-abortion law. New York: The New Times.Google Scholar
La Mattina, G. (2017). Civil conflict, domestic violence and intra-household bargaining in post-genocide Rwanda. Journal of Development Economics, 124, 168–198.Google Scholar
Levitsky, S., & Way, L. A. (2002). Elections without democracy: The rise of competitive authoritarianism. Journal of Democracy, 13(2), 51–65.Google Scholar
Lieberson, S. (1969). Measuring population diversity. American Sociological Review, 34(6), 850–862.Google Scholar
Lindsley, L. (1987). The Beagle Channel settlement: Vatican mediation resolves a century-old dispute. Journal of Church and State, 29, 435–456.Google Scholar
Lipson, C. (1991).Why are some international agreements informal? International Organizations, 45(4), 495–538.Google Scholar
Louër, L. (2013). Sectarianism and coup-proofing strategies in Bahrain. Journal of Strategic Studies, 36(2), 245–260.Google Scholar
Lovenduski, J. (2001). Women and politics: Minority representation or critical mass? Parliamentary Affairs, 54(4), 743–758.Google Scholar
Lovenduski, J., & Outshoorn, J. (1986). The new politics of abortion. London: Sage Publications.Google Scholar
Luna, J. (2013). Religious parties in Chile: The Christian Democratic Party and the Independent Democratic Union. Democratization, 20(5), 917–938.Google Scholar
MacFarquhar, N. (September 7, 2010) U.N. officials say 500 were victims of Congo Rapes. New York: The New York Times.Google Scholar
Magaloni, B. (2006). Voting for autocracy: Hegemonic party survival and its demise in Mexico. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Malesky, E., & Schuler, P. (2010). Nodding or needling: Analyzing delegate responsiveness in an authoritarian parliament. American Political Science Review, 104(3), 482–502.Google Scholar
Mallat, C. (1988). Religious militancy in contemporary Iraq: Muhammad Baqer as-Sadr and the Sunni-Shia paradigm. Third World Quarterly, 10(2), 699–729.Google Scholar
Mamudu, H., Cairney, P., & Studlar, D. (2015). Global public policy: Does the new venue for transnational tobacco control challenge the old way of doing things? Public Administration, 93(4), 856–873.Google Scholar
Mansbridge, J. (1999). Should blacks represent blacks and women represent women? A contingent “yes.” The Journal of Politics, 61(3), 628–657.Google Scholar
Maoz, Z., & Henderson, E. A. (2013). The World Religion Dataset, 1945–2010: Logic, estimates, and trends. International Interactions, 3, 265–291.Google Scholar
March, J. G., & Olsen, J. P. (1998).The institutional dynamics of international political orders. International Organization, 52(4), 943–969.Google Scholar
Marima, T. (2017, August 16). Rwanda: World Leader for Women in Politics (Unless They Oppose Kagame). Retrieved from www.newsdeeply.com/womenandgirls/articles/2017/08/16/rwanda-world-leader-for-women-in-politics-unless-they-oppose-kagameGoogle Scholar
Marshall, M., Gurr, T., & Jaggers, K. (2017, July 13). Polity IV Project: Political regime characteristics and transitions, 1800–2015. Retrieved from Center for Systemic Peace www.systemicpeace.org/inscrdata.htmlGoogle Scholar
Martin, J. E. (2015, February 1). Parliament. Retrieved from Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand https://teara.govt.nz/en/parliamentGoogle Scholar
Martin, L. L. (2000). Democratic commitments: Legislatures and international cooperation. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Martinsson, J. (2011). Global norms: Creation, diffusion, and limits. Washington DC: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ World Bank.Google Scholar
Masci, D. (2016, June 21). Where major religious groups stand on abortion. Retrieved from www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/06/21/Google Scholar
Matland, R. E. (1998). Women’s representation in national legislatures: Developed and developing countries. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 23(1), 109–125.Google Scholar
Mavisakalyan, A. (2014). Women in cabinet and public health spending: Evidence across countries. Economics of Governance, 15(3), 281–304.Google Scholar
McBride Stetson, D. (2001). Abortion politics, women’s movements, and the democratic state: A comparative study of state feminism. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
McConnell, M. W. (2013). Why protect religious freedom? The Yale Law Journal, 123(3), 770–810.Google Scholar
McCoy, J., & Hartlyn, J. (2009). The relative powerlessness of elections in Latin America. In Democratization by elections: A new mode of transition, edited by Lindberg., S. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
McMurry, M. (1978). Religion and women’s sex role traditionalism. Sociological Focus, 11(2), 81–95.Google Scholar
Meacham, C. E. (1994). The role of the Chilean Catholic Church in the New Chilean democracy. Journal of Church and State, 36, 277–299.Google Scholar
Merriman, S. A. (2009). Religion and the state: An international analysis of roles and relationships. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, LLC.Google Scholar
Meyer, J., Boli, J., Thomas, G., & Ramirez, F. (1997). World society and the nation-state. American Journal of Sociology, 103(1), 144–181.Google Scholar
Miller, A. F. (2013). The non‐religious patriarchy: Why losing religion HAS NOT meant losing white male dominance. CrossCurrents, 63(2), 211–226.Google Scholar
Mimiko, N. O. (2012 ). Globalization: The politics of global economic relations and international business. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press.Google Scholar
Ministry of Information Affairs, The Kingdom of Bahrain. (2014, September 2). Population and Demographics. Retrieved from www.mia.gov.bh/en/Kingdom-of-Bahrain/Pages/Population-and-Demographic-Growth.aspxGoogle Scholar
Minkenberg, M. (2003). The policy impact of church-state relations: Family policy and abortion in Britain, France, and Germany. West European Politics, 26(1), 195–214.Google Scholar
Minkenberg, M. (2002). Religion and public policy: Institutional, cultural and political impact on the shaping of abortion policies in Western democracies. Comparative Political Studies, 35(2), 221–247.Google Scholar
Mirow, M. C. (2004). International law and religion in Latin America: The Beagle Channel Dispute. Suffolk Transnational Law Review, 28(1), 1–29.Google Scholar
Moir, J. (2018, May 27). Vote on abortion law reform could happen in NZ Parliament next year. Retrieved from www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/104246447/vote-on-abortion-law-reform-could-happen-in-nz-parliament-next-yearGoogle Scholar
Morse, Y. L. (2012). The era of electoral authoritarianism. World Politics, 64(1), 161–198.Google Scholar
Mujuzi, J. D. (2008). The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa: South Africa’s reservations and interpretative declarations. Law, Democracy & Development, 12(2), 41–61.Google Scholar
Mulligan, C. B., Ricard, G., & Sala-i-Martin, X. (2004). Do democracies have different public policies than nondemocracies? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 18(1), 51–74.Google Scholar
Murdie, A. M., & Davis, D. R. (2012). Shaming and blaming: Using events data to assess the impact of human rights INGOs. International Studies Quarterly, 56, 1–16.Google Scholar
Murdie, A., & Peksen, D. (2015). Women’s rights INGO shaming and the government respect for women’s rights. The Review of International Organizations, 10(1), 1–22.Google Scholar
Muriaas, R. L., Tønnessen, L., & Wang, V. (2013). Exploring the relationship between democratization and quota policies in Africa. Women’s Studies International Forum, 41, 89–93.Google Scholar
Mutisi, M. (2012). Local conflict resolution in Rwanda: The case of Abunzi mediators. In Integrating traditional and modern conflict resolution experiences from selected cases in Eastern and the Horn of Africa, edited by Mutisi, M. & Sansculotte-Greenidge, K. (pp. 41–74). Durban, South Africa: Accord.Google Scholar
Mylonas, H., & Roussias, N. (2008). When do votes count? Regime type, electoral conduct, and political competition in Africa. Comparative Political Studies, 41(11), 1466–1491.Google Scholar
n.a. (2014). A brief history of abortion laws in New Zealand. Retrieved July 24, 2018, from www.abortionservices.org.nzGoogle Scholar
Nabaneh, S. (2012). A purposive interpretation of Article 14 (2) (c) of the African Women’s Protocol to Include Abortion on Request and for Socio-Economic Reasons. Maputo, Mozambique: Eduardo Mondlane University, Faculty of Law.Google Scholar
National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation. ( 1990 ). Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation. Retrieved from the U.S. Institute of Peace www.usip.org/sites/default/files/resources/collections/truth_commissions/Chile90-Report/Chile90-Report.pdfGoogle Scholar
National Statistics Institute. (2018, January 1). Resultados Censo 2017. Madrid: Author.Google Scholar
Naughton, C. (2017). Abort mission: A recommendation for reform of New Zealand’s abortion law. Otago: University of Otago.Google Scholar
Neumayer, E. (2005). Do international human rights treaties improve respect for human rights? Journal of Conflict Resolution, 49(6), 925–953.Google Scholar
New Zealand Ministry of Culture and Heritage. (2016). Political and constitutional timeline. Retrieved July 24, 2018, from www.nzhistory.govt.nz:%20https://nzhistory.govt.nz/politics/milestonesGoogle Scholar
Newbury, C. (1998). Ethnicity and the politics of history in Rwanda. Africa Today, 45(1), 7–24.Google Scholar
Ngwena, C. G. (2010). Inscribing abortion as human rights: Significance of the Protocol to the Rights of Women in Africa. Human Rights Quarterly, 32(4), 783–864.Google Scholar
Nickel, J. W. (2005). Who needs freedom of religion? University of Colorado Law Review, 76, 941–964.Google Scholar
Norrander, B., & Wilcox, C. (1999). Public opinion and policymaking in the States: The case of post-Roe abortion policy, Policy Studies Journal, 27(4), 707–722.Google Scholar
Norris, P., & Inglehart, R. (2002). Islamic culture and democracy: Testing the “Clash of Civilizations” thesis. Comparative Sociology, 1(3–4), 235–263.Google Scholar
Norwood, C. (2016, December 30). The year in religion and politics. The Atlantic Retrieved from www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/12/2016-religion-and-politics/511736/Google Scholar
Nteta, T. M., & Wallsten, K. J. (2012). Preaching to the choir? Religious leaders and American opinion on immigration reform. Social Science Quarterly, 93(4), 891–910.Google Scholar
Obelkevich, J., Roper, L., & Samuel, R. (2013). Disciplines of faith: Studies in religion, politics and patriarchy. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
O’Brien, D. Z. (2012). Gender and Select Committee Elections in the British House of Commons. Politics & Gender, 8(2), 178–204.Google Scholar
O’Connor, R. E., & Berkman, M. B. (1995). Religious determinants of state abortion policy. Social Science Quarterly, 76(2), 447–459.Google Scholar
OECD. (2018a). Chile. Paris: OECD, Development Centre. Retrieved from www.genderindex.org/country/chile/#_ftn10Google Scholar
OECD. (2018b). OECD data. Paris: OECD Development Centre. Retrieved from Gender Wage Gap https://data.oecd.org/earnwage/gender-wage-gap.htmGoogle Scholar
OECD. (2016, April 2). Share of births outside of marriage. Paris: OECD, Social Policy Division. Retrieved from www.oecd.org/els/family/SF_2_4_Share_births_outside_marriage.pdfGoogle Scholar
Office of the Historian of the U.S. Department of State. (2018). Retrieved July 30, 2018, from www.history.state.gov: https://history.state.gov/milestones/1969–1976/allendeGoogle Scholar
Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women. (2000). United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security. New York: U.N. Department of Economic and Social Affairs.Google Scholar
Olson, L., Cadge, W., & Harrison, J. (2006). Religion and public opinion about same-sex marriage. Social Science Quarterly, 87(2), 340–360.Google Scholar
O’Regan, V. R. (2000). Gender matters: Female policymakers’ influence in industrialized nations. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers.Google Scholar
Organization of American States (OAS). (1994). Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (“Convention of Belem do Para”). Washington, DC: Author.Google Scholar
Ottaway, M. (2003). Democracy challenged: The rise of semi-authoritarianism. Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.Google Scholar
Outshoorn, J. (1996). The stability of compromise: Abortion politics in Western Europe. In Abortion politics: Public policy in cross-cultural perspective, edited by Githens, M. & McBride Stetson, D. (pp. 145–164). London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Oyarce, G. (2015, October 12). Madres de menores violadas defienden el aborto. www.theclinic.cl/2015/10/12/madres-de-menores-violadas-defienden-el-aborto/Google Scholar
Pande, R., & Ford, D. (2011). Gender quotas and female leadership: A review. World Development Report 2012. Washington, DC: World Bank Group.Google Scholar
Parish, M. (2010). An essay on the accountability of international organizations. International Organizations Law Review, 7(2), 277–342.Google Scholar
Park, S. (2005). Norm diffusion within international organizations: A case study of the World Bank. Journal of International Relations and Development, 8(2), 111–141.Google Scholar
Paxton, P. (1997). Women in national legislatures: A cross-national analysis. Social Science Research, 26(4), 442–464.Google Scholar
Paxton, P., & Kunovich, S. (2003). Women’s political representation: The importance of ideology. Social Forces, 82(1), 87–113.Google Scholar
Paxton, P., Kunovich, S., & Hughes, M. M. (2007). Gender in politics. Annual Review of Sociology, 33, 263–284.Google Scholar
Perrett, R.W. (2000). Buddhism, abortion and the middle way. Asian Philosophy, 10(2), 101–114.Google Scholar
Petchesky, R. P. (2003). Global prescriptions: Gendering health and human rights. London: Zed Books.Google Scholar
Peter, C. M., & Kibalama, E. (2006). Searching for sense and humanity: Civil society and the struggle for a better Rwanda. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers.Google Scholar
Peterson, J. (2009). Bahrain: Reform – promise and reality. In Political Liberalization in the Persian Gulf, edited by Teitelbaum, J. (pp. 157–185). London: Hurst Publishers.Google Scholar
Pew Research Center. (2015). Pew Research Center Spring 2015 survey: Importance of Religion. Washington, DC: Pew-Templeton.Google Scholar
Pew Research Center. (2012). The global religious landscape. Washington DC: Pew-Templeton.Google Scholar
Pew Research Center. (2010). Pew Research Center’s Religion & Public Life Project: Bahrain. Retrieved from www.globalreligiousfutures.org/countries/bahrain/religious_demography#/?affiliations_religion_id=0&affiliations_year=2010Google Scholar
Pew Research Center. (2009). Mapping the global Muslim population. Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life. Washington, DC: Author.Google Scholar
Picken, D. (2018, June). Big Read: Abortion law reform – what’s at stake? New Zealand Herald. Retrieved Oct. 18, 2018, from www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=12070558Google Scholar
Pietilä, H., & Vickers, J. (1990). Making women matter: The role of the United Nations. London: Zed Books.Google Scholar
Pillai, V., & Wang, G.-Z. (1999). Women’s reproductive rights in developing countries. Farnham, UK: Ashgate.Google Scholar
Pitkin, H. (1967). The concept of representation. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Pitkin, H. F. (2004). Representation and democracy: Uneasy alliance. Scandinavian Political Studies, 27(3), 335–342.Google Scholar
Plantenga, J., Remery, C., Figueiredo, H., & Smith, M. (2009). Towards a European Union gender equality index. Journal of European Social Policy, 19(1), 19–33.Google Scholar
Pollack, M. A., & Hafner-Burton, E. (2000). Mainstreaming gender in the European Union. Journal of European Public Policy, 7(3), 432–456.Google Scholar
Pollack Petchesky, R. (1995). From population control to reproductive rights: Feminist fault lines. Reproductive Health Matters, 3(6), 152–161.Google Scholar
Potts, M., & Campbell, M. (2002). History of contraception. Gynecology and Obstetrics, 6(8), 18–22.Google Scholar
Power, M. (2004). Gender and Chile’s split culture. ReVista: Harvard Review of Latin America, 32–34. Retrieved July 30, 2018, from https://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/gender-and-chiles-split-cultureGoogle Scholar
Powley, E. (2006). Rwanda: The impact of women legislators on policy outcomes affecting children and families. New York: UNICEF.Google Scholar
Prada, E. (2016). Induced Abortion in Chile. Retrieved August 1, 2018, from www.guttmacher.org/report/induced-abortion-chileGoogle Scholar
Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Retrieved May 18, 2016, from www.achpr.org/instruments/women-protocol/ratification/Google Scholar
Quene,´ H., & Van den Bergh, H. (2004). On multi-level modeling of data from repeated measures designs: A tutorial, Speech Communication, 43, 103–121.Google Scholar
Quota Project: Global Database of Quotas for Women (2017). Retrieved June 8, 2015, from www.quotaproject.org/index.cfmGoogle Scholar
Rainey, V. (2018, January 2). ‘Help me before my relatives kill me’: Aiding abortion in the Middle East. Retrieved from www.middleeasteye.net/news/help-me-my-relatives-kill-me-aiding-abortion-middle-eastGoogle Scholar
Raustiala, K. (2005). Form and substance in international agreements. American Journal of International Law, 99(3), 581–614.Google Scholar
Reanda, L. (1981). Human rights and women’s rights: The United Nations approach. Human Rights Quarterly, 3(11), 11–31.Google Scholar
Rehfeld, A. (2006). Towards a general theory of political representation. Journal of Politics, 68(1), 1–21.Google Scholar
Reinisch, A. (2001). Developing human rights and humanitarian law accountability of the Security Council for the Imposition of Economic Sanctions. American Journal of International Law, 95(4), 851–872.Google Scholar
Reuters. (2017, August 21). Chile court ruling ends abortion ban; new law allows in limited cases. Retrieved from https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-chile-abortion/chile-court-ruling-ends-abortion-ban-new-law-allows-in-limited-cases-idUKKCN1B122I?il=0Google Scholar
Reynolds, A. (1999). Women in the legislatures and executives of the world: Knocking at the highest glass ceiling. World Politics, 51(4), 547–572.Google Scholar
Reynolds, J., & May, M. (2014). Religion, motherhood, and the spirit of capitalism. Social Currents, 1(2), 173–188.Google Scholar
Reyntjens, Filip (2011). Constructing the truth, dealing with dissent, domesticating the world: Governance in post-genocide Rwanda. African Affairs, 110(438), 1–34.Google Scholar
Risse, T. (2007). Transnational actors and world politics. In Corporate ethics and corporate governance, edited by Walther, C. Z., Richter, K., & Holzinger, M. (pp. 251–286). Berlin: Springer.Google Scholar
Risse, T. (2000). “Let’s argue!”: Communicative action in world politics. International Organization, 54(1), 1–39.Google Scholar
Robbers, G. (2001). Religious freedom in Germany. Brigham Young University Law Review, 2, 643–668.Google Scholar
Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973).Google Scholar
Rohter, L. (2005, January 30). Divorce ties Chile in knots. Retrieved from www.nytimes.com/2005/01/30/weekinreview/divorce-ties-chile-in-knots.htmlGoogle Scholar
Rosenbluth, F., Salmond, R., & Thies, M. F. (2006). Welfare works: Explaining female legislative representation. Politics & Gender, 2(2), 165–192.Google Scholar
Ross, M. L. (2008). Oil, Islam and women. The American Political Science Review, 102 (1), 107–123.Google Scholar
Roy, E. (2017, Sept 5). New Zealand election: Jacinda Ardern pledges to decriminalise abortion. Retrieved Oct 2018, from www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/05/jacinda-ardern-decriminalise-abortion-new-zealand-electionGoogle Scholar
Rwirahira, R. (2018, January 22). Rwanda’s Proposed Abortion Amendment Takes Procedure Out of the Courts. Retrieved July 2018, from www.newsdeeply.com/womenandgirls/articles/2018/01/22/rwandas-proposed-abortion-amendment-takes-procedure-out-of-the-courtsGoogle Scholar
Ryall, D. (2001). The Catholic Church as a transnational actor. In Non-state actors in world politics, edited by Josselin, D. & Wallace, W. (pp. 41–58). Hampshire, United Kingdom: Palgrave Publishers.Google Scholar
Salamon, L. M., Anheier, H. K., List, R., Toepler, S., & Sokolowski, S. W. (1999). Civil society in comparative perspective. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies.Google Scholar
Salmon, T. C., & Imber, M. F. (2008). Issues in international relations (2nd ed). New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Sapiro, V. (1998). When are interests interesting? The problem of political representation of women. In Feminism and Politics, edited by Phillips, A. (pp. 161–192). New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Saward, M. (2006). The representative claim. Comparative Political Theory, 5, 297–318.Google Scholar
Say, L., Chou, D., & Gemmell, A. et al. (2014). Global causes of maternal death: A WHO systemic analysis. The Lancet Global Health, 2(6), e323–e333.Google Scholar
Schabas, W. A. (1996). Justice, democracy, and impunity in post-genocide Rwanda: Searching for solutions to impossible problems. Criminal Law Forum, 7(3), 523–560.Google Scholar
Scheufele, D., Corley, E., Shih, T.-J., Dalrymple, K., & Ho, S. (2009). Religious beliefs and public attitudes toward nanotechnology in Europe and the United States. Nature Nanotechnology, 4, 91–94.Google Scholar
Schindler, K. (2010). Who does what in a household after genocide: Evidence from Rwanda. Discussion Paper, 1072. Berlin: DIW Berlin.Google Scholar
Schwartz, F. J., & Pharr, S. J. (2003). The state of civil society in Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Schwarz, R. (2004). The paradox of sovereignty, regime type and human rights compliance. The International Journal of Human Rights, 8(2), 199–215.Google Scholar
Schwindt-Bayer, L. (2015). Chile’s gender quota: Will it work? Houston: Institute for Public Policy, Rice University.Google Scholar
Schwindt-Bayer, L. A., & Mishler, W. (2005). An integrated model of women’s representation. The Journal of Politics, 67(2), 407–428.Google Scholar
Scrutton, A. (16 March 2015). Margot Wallström: Can Sweden’s feminist foreign minister be both radical and influential – and make the country a ‘moral great power’?. The Independent.Google Scholar
Sedge, G., Singh, S., Henshaw, S. K., & Bankole, A. (2011). Legal abortion worldwide in 2008: Levels and recent trends. Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 37(2), 84–94.Google Scholar
Seikaly, M. (1994). “Women and social change in Bahrain.” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26(3), 415–426.Google Scholar
Shachar, A. (2005). Religion, state and the problem of gender: New modes of citizenship and governance in diverse societies. McGill Law Journal, 50, 49–88.Google Scholar
Shain, R. N. (1986). A cross-cultural history of abortion. Clinics in Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 13(1), 1–17.Google Scholar
Shannon, V. P. (2000). Norms are what states make of them: The political psychology of norm violation. International Studies Quarterly, 44(2), 293–316.Google Scholar
Sherkat, D. E. (2000). “That they be keepers of the home”: The effect of conservative religion on early and late transitions into housewifery. Review of Religious Research, 41(3), 344–358.Google Scholar
Shipan, C. R., & Volden, C. (2008). The mechanisms of policy diffusion. American Journal of Political Science, 52(4), 840–857.Google Scholar
Sigmund, P. E. (1986). Revolution, counterrevolution, and the Catholic Church in Chile. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 483(1), 25–35.Google Scholar
Simmons, B. A. (1998). Compliance with international agreements. Annual Review of Political Science, 1(1), 75–93.Google Scholar
Simmons, B., & Elkins, Z. (2004). The globalization of liberalization: Policy diffusion in the international political economy. American Political Science Review, 98(1), 171–89.Google Scholar
Simmons, B. A., & Martin, L. (2012). International organisations and institutions. In Handbook of International Relations, edited by Carlsnaes, W., Risse, T., & B. A. (pp. 326–351). London: Sage Publications.Google Scholar
Singh, S., Remez, L., Sedgh, G., Kwokand, L., & Onda, T. (2018). Abortion worldwide 2017: Uneven progress and unequal access. New York: Guttmacher Institute.Google Scholar
Smidt, C. E. (2005). Religion and American attitudes toward Islam and an invasion of Iraq. Sociology of Religion, 66(3), 243–261.Google Scholar
Smith, J., Chatfield, C., & Pagnucco, R. (1997). Transnational social movements and global politics: Solidarity beyond the state. New York: Syracuse University Press.Google Scholar
Solodoch, O., & Sommer, U. (2018). Explaining the birthright citizenship lottery: Longitudinal and cross-national evidence for key determinants. Regulation & Governance https://doi.org/10.1111/rego.12197Google Scholar
Sommer, U. (2018). Women, demography and politics: How lower fertility rates lead to democracy.” Demography, 55(2), 559–586. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018–0655-xGoogle Scholar
Sommer, U. (2017). International effects on the security wall rulings of the Israeli High Court. Israel Studies Review, 33, 43–65.Google Scholar
Sommer, U., & Asal, V. (2018). Political and legal antecedents of affirmative action: A comparative framework. Journal of Public Policy. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1017/S0143814X18000089Google Scholar
Sommer, U., & Frishman, O. (2016). Translating justice: The International Organization of Constitutional Courts” Law & Policy, 38(2), 124–142Google Scholar
Ssenyonjo, M. (2007). Culture and the human rights of women in Africa: Between light and shadow. Journal of African Law, 51(1), 39–67.Google Scholar
Staffan, L. (ed.). (2009). Democratization by elections: A new mode of transitions. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
Stats NZ Tatauranga Aotearoa. (2018, June 19). Abortion statistics: Year ended December 2017. Retrieved from www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/abortion-statistics-year-ended-december-2017Google Scholar
Stepan, A. (2000). Religion, democracy, and the “twin tolerations.” Journal of Democracy, 11(4), 37–57.Google Scholar
Stockemer, D. (2011). Women’s parliamentary representation in Africa: The impact of democracy and corruption on the number of female deputies in national parliaments. Political Studies, 59, 693–712.Google Scholar
Stockemer, D. (2009). Women’s parliamentary representation: Are women more highly represented in (consolidated) democracies than in non-democracies? Contemporary Politics, 15(4), 429–443.Google Scholar
Stone, D., & Ladi, S. (2015). Global public policy and transnational administration. Public Administration, 93(4), 839–855.Google Scholar
Strassner, V. (2018, January 15). Chile: La iglesia y su rol en la transición pactada a la democracia. Retrieved from www.laizquierdadiario.com/Chile-la-Iglesia-y-su-rol-en-la-transicion-pactada-a-la-democraciaGoogle Scholar
Sultana, A. (2011). Patriarchy and women’s subordination: A theoretical analysis. Arts Faculty Journal, 4, 1–18.Google Scholar
Swiss, L., Fallon, K. M., & Burgos, G. (2012). Does critical mass matter? Women’s political representation and child health in developing countries. Social Forces, 91(2), 531–558.Google Scholar
T13 Radio. (2017, September 18). Te Deum: Iglesia Católica reafirma postura contra el aborto y matrimonio igualitario. Retrieved from Tele13 Radio 103.3FM www.t13.cl/noticia/nacional/te-deum-iglesia-catolica-reafirma-postura-aborto-y-matrimonio-igualitarioGoogle Scholar
Tadjo, V. (2010) Genocide: The changing landscape of memory in Kigali. African Identities, 8(4), 379–388.Google Scholar
Tatalovitch, R., & Schier, D. (1993). The persistence of ideological cleavage in voting on abortion legislation in the House of Representatives, 1973–1988. American Politics Quarterly, 21(1), 125–139.Google Scholar
Tatauranga Aotearoa. (2018, June 19). Abortion statistics: Year ended December 2017. Retrieved from www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/abortion-statistics-year-ended-december-2017Google Scholar
Taylor, V., & Whittier, N. (1995). Analytical approaches to social movement culture: The culture of the women’s movement. In Johnston, H. & Klandermans, B., Social movements and culture, edited by Johnston, H. & Klandermans, B. (pp. 163–187). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.Google Scholar
Te Aka Matua o te Ture. (2018, Feb). Abortion law reform. Retrieved Oct 18, 2018, from www.lawcom.govt.nz: https://www.lawcom.govt.nz/abortionGoogle Scholar
Toumi, H. (2016, June 12). Bahrain officially bans mixing politics with religion. Retrieved from Gulf News https://wwrn.org/articles/46011/Google Scholar
Towns, A. E. (2012). Norms and social hierarchies: Understanding international policy diffusion “from below.” International Organization, 66(2), 179–209.Google Scholar
TradeArabia News Service. (2010, February 21). Bahrain women in high-risk abortions. Retrieved from www.tradearabia.com/news/HEAL_175194.htmlGoogle Scholar
Tribble, S. (2018a). Causes for the debate: Pros and cons of female voting rights. Retrieved July 23, 2018, from www.sthistorysuffrage.weebly.comGoogle Scholar
Tribble, S. (2018b). Consequences of the campaign. Retrieved July 24, 2018, from https://sthistorysuffrage.weebly.com/consequences-of-the-campaign.htmlGoogle Scholar
True, J., & Mintrom, M. (2001). Transnational networks and policy diffusion: The case of gender mainstreaming. International Studies Quarterly, 45, 27–57.Google Scholar
Tzannatos, Z. (1999). Women and labor market changes in the global economy: Growth helps, inequalities hurt and public policy matters. World Development, 27(3), 551–569.Google Scholar
United Nations. (n.d.). About UN membership. Retrieved from www.un.org/en/sections/member-states/about-un-membership/index.htmlGoogle Scholar
United Nations. (2015a). Sustainable development goals. New York: United Nations Publications.Google Scholar
United Nations. (1999). United Nations treaty collection: Treaty reference guide. New York: United Nations Publications.Google Scholar
United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division. (2007). World abortion policies 2007. New York: United Nations Publications. Retrieved from www.un.org/esa/population/publications/2007_Abortion_Policies_Chart/2007_WallChart.pdf.Google Scholar
United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division. (2002). Abortion policies: A global review. New York: United Nations Publications.Google Scholar
U.N. Economic and Social Affairs. (2002a). Abortion policies – A global review, Volume III Oman to Zimbabwe. New York: United Nations Publications.Google Scholar
U.N. Economic and Social Affairs. (2002b). Abortion policies – A global review, Volume II Gabon to Norway. New York: United Nations Publications.Google Scholar
UNFPA. (1995). Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population Development. New York: United Nations Publications.Google Scholar
Union, A. O. Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. African Union, Maputo.Google Scholar
U.N. Outreach Programme on the Rwanda Genocide. (2007). Rwanda: A brief history of the country. Retrieved July 18, 2018, from www.un.org/en/preventgenocide/rwanda/education/rwandagenocide.shtmlGoogle Scholar
U.N. Women. (2018a). Chile endorses women’s leadership in politics and aims for women to direct 40 per cent of public enterprises by 2018. Retrieved July 30, 2018, from www.unwomen.org: www.unwomen.org/en/get-involved/step-it-up/commitments/chileGoogle Scholar
United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division. (2007). World abortion policies 2007. New York: United Nations Publications. www.un.org/esa/population/publications/2007_Abortion_Policies_Chart/2007_WallChart.pdf.Google Scholar
United Nations Development Programme. (2016). Human development data (1990–2015). Retrieved from http://hdr.undp.org/en/dataGoogle Scholar
United Nations Development Programme. (2010). Human development report: 2010. New York: U.N. Publications DepartmentGoogle Scholar
United Nations Development Programme. (2005). Human development report: 2005. New York: United Nations Publications Department.Google Scholar
United Nations General Assembly. (1979). Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (CEDAW). New York: United Nations Publications.Google Scholar
United Nations Population Fund. (n.d.). International Conference on Population and Development. Retrieved March 14, 2018, from www.unfpa.org/icpdGoogle Scholar
United Nations Rwanda. (2013, 6 Oct). Women secure 64 per cent of seats in Rwandan parliamentary elections. Retrieved 6 July, 2018, from www.rw.one.un.org/press-center/news/women-secure-64-cent-seats-rwandan-parliamentary-electionsGoogle Scholar
U.S. Department of State. (2008). International Religious Freedom Report 2008. Retrieved from www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2008/108518.htmGoogle Scholar
Uvin, P. (2001). Difficult choices in the new post-conflict agenda: The international community in Rwanda after the genocide. Third World Quarterly, 22(2), 177–189.Google Scholar
Valdivia Ortiz De Zárate, V. (2003). Terrorism and political violence during the Pinochet years: Chile, 1973–1989. Radical History Review, 85(1), 182–190.Google Scholar
Vallier, I. (1971). The Roman Catholic Church: A transnational actor. International Organization, 25(3), 479–502.Google Scholar
Verbit, M. F. (1970). The components and dimensions of religious behavior: Toward a reconceptualization of religiosity. In American Mosaic, Social Patterns of Religion in the United States, edited by Hammond, P., & Johnson, B. (pp. 24–39). New York: Random House.Google Scholar
Viljeon, F. (2009). An introduction to the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice, 16(11), 11–46.Google Scholar
Vincent, A. (2001 [1992]). Conceptions of the state. In Encyclopedia of government and politics, edited by Hawkesworth, M. E. & Kogan, M. (pp. 43–55). New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Vivanco, J., & Undurraga, V. (2017). How Chile ended its draconian ban on abortion. Retrieved August 1, 2018, from www.nytimes.com/2017/09/01/opinion/chile-abortion-ban.htmlGoogle Scholar
Vlassoff, M., Shearer, J., Walker, D., & Lucas, H. (2008). Economic impact of unsafe abortion-related morbidity and mortality: Evidence and estimation challenges (Vol. 59). Brighton, United Kingdom: Institute of Development Studies.Google Scholar
Vreeland, J. R. (2006). The International Monetary Fund (IMF): Politics of conditional lending. Oxfordshire, United Kingdom: Routledge.Google Scholar
Vogelstein, R., & Bro, A. ( 2019, January 30). Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, long may it reign. Retrieved from https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/01/30/sweden-feminist-foreignpolicy/Google Scholar
Wald, K. D., & Wilcox, C. (2006). Getting religion: Has political science rediscovered the faith factor? American Political Science Review, 100(4), 523–529.Google Scholar
Walker, J. A. (2012). Early marriage in Africa – Trends, harmful effects and interventions. African Journal of Reproductive Health, 16(2), 231–240.Google ScholarPubMed
Wallace, C., Haerpfer, C., & Abbott, P. (2009). Women in Rwandan politics and society. International Journal of Sociology, 38(4), 111–125.Google Scholar
Walzer, M. (1990, October). The civil society argument: Gunnar Myrdal Lecture. Stockholm, Sweden: University of Stockholm.Google Scholar
Wandia, M. (2004). Not yet a force for freedom: The Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. Oxon, United Kingdom: Pambazuka News.Google Scholar
Wang, Q., & Sun, X. (2016). The role of socio-political and economic factors in fertility decline: A cross-country analysis. World Development, 87, 360–70.Google Scholar
Wangnerud, L. (2009). Women in parliaments: Descriptive and substantive representation. Annual Review of Political Science, 12, 51–69.Google Scholar
Wangnerud, L. (2000). Testing the politics of presence: Women’s representation in the Swedish Riksdag. Scandinavian Political Studies, 23(1), 67–91.Google Scholar
Warhurst, J. (2008). The Catholic Lobby: Structures, policy styles and religious networks. The Australian Journal of Public Administration, 67(2), 213–230.Google Scholar
Warner, C. M. (2000). Confessions of an interest group: The Catholic Church and political parties in Europe. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Warner, G. (2018) Rwanda ranks in the top 5 for gender equity. Do its teen girls agree? National Public Radio, 17 April 2018.Google Scholar
Warwick, . (2014). The Chilean dictatorship. Retrieved July 30, 2018, fromhttps://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/english/currentstudents/undergraduate/modules/fulllist/first/en123/contemporary2014/deathandthemaiden/historicalcontext/thechileandictatorship/Google Scholar
Waylen, G. (2008). Enhancing the substantive representation of women: Lessons from transitions to democracy. Parliamentary Affairs, 61(3), 518–534.Google Scholar
Welch, S., & Studlar, D. T. (1996). The opportunity structure for women’s candidacies and electability in Britain and the United States. Political Research Quarterly, 49(4), 861–874.Google Scholar
Westfall, A., & Chantiles, C. (2016). The political cure: Gender quotas and women’s health. Politics & Gender, 12(3), 469–490.Google Scholar
Wilcox, C. (1990). Race differences in abortion attitudes: Some additional evidence. Public Opinion Quarterly, 54, 248–255.Google Scholar
Williams, M. (1998). Voice, trust, and memory: Marginalized groups and the failings of liberal representation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Wing, S. D. (2012). Human rights-based approaches to development: Justice and legal fiction in Africa. Polity, 44(4), 504–522.Google Scholar
Women in National Parliaments. (2015, December 1). Retrieved from Inter-Parliamentary Union www.ipu.org/english/home.htmGoogle Scholar
Wood, J. Jr E. (1986). Church lobbying and public policy. Journal of Church and State, 28, 183–192.Google Scholar
Woodhead, L. ([2001]2003). Feminism and the sociology of religion: From gender-blindness to gendered difference. In The Blackwell Companion to Sociology of Religion, edited by Fenn, R. K. (pp. 67–84). Hoboken, NJ: Blackwell Publishing:Google Scholar
World Bank. (2018). GDP per capita (current US$). Retrieved from The World Bank: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CDGoogle Scholar
World Bank. (2017, July 1.) GDP ranking. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/GDP-ranking-tableGoogle Scholar
World Bank Group. (2015a). Current health expenditure (% of GDP). Washington, DC: World Bank. Retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.XPD.CHEX.GD.ZS.Google Scholar
World Bank Group. (2015b). Government expenditure on education, total (% of GDP). Washington, DC: World Bank. Retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.XPD.TOTL.GD.ZS.Google Scholar
World Health Organization. (2003). Safe abortion: Technical and policy guidance for health systems. Geneva: Author.Google Scholar
World Values Survey Association. (1981–2014). Longitudinal Aggregate v. 20150418. World Values Survey Association. Aggregate File Producer: JD Systems. Retrieved from www.worldvaluessurvey.org).Google Scholar
Wright, S. (2010). Fixing the kingdom: Political evolution and socio-economic challenges in Bahrain. Occasional Paper No. 3. Washington, DC: Georgetown University, Center for International and Regional Studies.Google Scholar
Yamane, D. A. (2005). The Catholic Church in state politics: Negotiating prophetic demands and political realities. Oxford: Sheed & Ward.Google Scholar
Yanda, K., Smith, S., & Rosenfield, A. (2003). Reproductive health and human rights. International Journal of Gynecology and Obstetrics, 82, 275–283.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Vogelstein, R., & Bro, A. (2019, January 30). Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy, Long May It Reign. Retrieved from https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/01/30/sweden-feminist-foreignpolicy/Google Scholar
Yom, S. L., & Gause III, F. G. (2012). Resilient royals: How Arab monarchies hang on. Journal of Democracy, 23(4), 74–88Google Scholar
Yuval-Davis, N. ([1992]2005). Fundamentalism, multiculturalism and women in Britain. In‘Race,’ culture and difference, edited by Donald, J., & Rattansi, A. (pp. 278–292). London: Sage Publications.Google Scholar
Zetterberg, P. (2008). The downside of gender quotas? Institutional constraints on women in Mexican State Legislatures. Parliamentary Affairs, 61(3), 442–460.Google Scholar
Zwingel, S. (2012). How do norms travel? Theorizing international women’s rights in transnational perspective. International Studies Quarterly, 56(1), 115–129.Google Scholar