Pour les pasteurs nomades sud-sahariens, l'insuffisance ou l'irrégularité des pluies se traduit par une réduction des ressources fourragères annuelles et, par voie de conséquence, par un déficit alimentaire. Les calendriers historiques touaregs, qui privilégient pour chaque année l'événement majeur, resté vivant dans toutes les mémoires, voient périodiquement s'inscrire des années mauvaises, dénommees awetay wa n iba n allamoz, l'année de manque d'herbe—ou awetay wa n laz, l'année de la faim, ou encore, awetay wa n manna, l'année de la famine. Ces trois définitions font référence à un même phénomène, à une même catastrophe, en mettant l'accent, soit sur les troupeaux privés de pâturage, soit sur les hommes accablés par le manque de nourriture. En tamasheq, laz signifie la faim, alors que manna, associe la notion de famine à celle de sécheresse; c'est ainsi que Foucauld (1925/30: II 56) traduit dans un poème le terme de manna par la périphrase: ‘La famine provenant de la sécheresse, les tourmentait, je pense’. Si la sécheresse impose des modifications dans le régime alimentaire, il faut préciser que chaque cycle annuel apporte normalement une variation saisonnière de l'alimentation. Aussi insuffisantes en quantité qu'irrégulières dans leur répartition que soient les pluies, elles sont cependant concentrées en zone sahélienne durant la période estivale; c'est pourquoi chaque année voit se renouveler une saison bienfaisante où les pluies régénèrent les pâturages, remplissent les mares, réalimentent les nappes. Pendant deux ou trois mois, où le lait abonde, se joue pour toute l'année, le développement de la végétation et la constitution du stock de fourrage qui va permettre d'attendre le retour des prochaines pluies.

Some years ago one of the very few structuralist anthropologists to contribute to Southern African studies complained that ‘Aucune étude n'a encore été consacrée à l'organisation spatiale et aux relations qu'elle implique chez les Bantu du Sud-Est’ (Roumeguère- Eberhardt 1963: 77). This was not strictly accurate. For example, Holleman (1940) had provided an important analysis of the Zulu homestead, borrowing something of the methods and concerns of the Leiden school's studies in Indonesia; and one cannot ignore Walton's (1956) wide-ranging if unsystematic treatment of the Southern African village. Yet the topic has been largely neglected despite the highly-ordered nature of the Southern Bantu homestead and the legal and symbolic significance of the traditional homestead plan.

Nous avons l'intention après avoir donné de brefs détails sur l'histoire de la production littraire ewe, de présenter un tableau d'ensemble de ses diverses composantes. Une telle étude aura pour intérêt de faire ressortir les interférences d'un corpus imprimé en langue africaine avec la littérature européenne. Cette analyse comparative s'impose à l'esprit si on admet l'état de fait qui le motive: d'abord les premiers géniteurs de la littérature ewe sont d'origine européenne, en l'occurrence de l'Allemagne, ensuite les littérateurs ewe sont, en tout état de cause, des produits de l'école classique anglaise ou française. Dans deux de nos articles à paraître (a and b) sur la même question, nous avons observé le conte et la poésie dans leur rapport avec l'oralité mais aussi et surtout dans leur sujétion aux modèles occidentaux.

The term ‘caste’ has often been applied to Senufo artisan groups. However, an analysis of the social, political and economic relationships of these groups and the farmers amongst whom they live indicates that the characteristics commonly associated with caste systems are often manipulated by the allegedly lower status castes to their benefit, rather than by the majority group of farmers.

The most significant movement of population in Ethiopia within the last 100 years has been the southward advance of northern Christians into areas inhabited predominantly by Muslim or pagan peoples. The initial impetus to this movement was given by the expansion of the Amhara Kingdom of Shoa in the 19th century when officers and men of the conquering armies were given land in the annexed territories. They were followed by a variety of adventurers, merchants and administrators all of whom benefited from their association with the Amhara rulers to carve a niche for themselves in the south. In these circumstances, it is understandable that analyses of inter-ethnic contact in Ethiopia have been dominated by the discussion of the relations between the Amhara and one or the other of the subordinate groups of the Empire.

The performance of Yoruba hunters' funeral dirges is of great human interest. As an indispensable rite at all the major crises that may affect members of the hunters' guild, it is evidently a means of emotional outlet. These dirges are known as irèmòjé, a name which Yoruba mythology claims was coined by Ifá, the god of wisdom and of divination, to denote this type of lament. These songs are credited with a divine origin, and are demanded by the god Ogun to be performed by his followers as part of a rite of passage for deceased hunters from earth to heaven. Ogun himself was said to have set the model of the performance of irèmòjé for his followers to emulate. The observance of the ritual is seen by Ogun devotees as an act of worship, of propitiating their god, of communicating with the departed hunters, and of making a thorough appraisal of the successes and failures of deceased hunters in their professional career on earth. The task of making an oral evaluation of a man's career is always difficult. The device of artists who are vested in Yoruba history and folklore use, however, is to dwell on the lineage salutes — salutes which normally embody significant historical points relating to ancestors of the deceased. It is to be observed, however, that these singers of irèmòjé laments, as is the case with rárà chanters, usually emphasize the victories and heroic deeds of the deceased and carefully gloss over his failures; this is only to be expected since it is his fame that artists are gathered to celebrate. Thus they praise his fine character, his kind heart, his professional skills and techniques, commend his memorable deeds as a hunter, or at least the courage with which he faced ordeals in life.

In this paper we examine the differential implications of kinship practices and, specifically, Crow kinship terminology for two societies, one African, the other Oceanic. The comparison is undertaken for the following reason. Keesing (1970:765) suggested that the gulf between the way he conceptualized the Kwaio system and the way Fortes (1969) and Goody (1973) conceptualized the African systems may well be far wider ‘than the gulf between what the Kwaio and Africans do. And if the gulf is generated more by the models than by the facts, we had better look very carefully at the models.’ The question arises, therefore, whether classic African descent models are different from Oceanic kinship models because the anthropologists are following different intellectual traditions, or whether these two sets of models are different because they reflect a very real difference in the institutional make-up of African and Oceanic societies?