Hostname: page-component-7479d7b7d-wxhwt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-13T18:31:57.388Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

LORD BURGHLEY AND IL CORTEGIANO: CIVIL AND MARTIAL MODELS OF COURTLINESS IN ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 November 2009

Abstract

William Cecil, Lord Burghley, is not usually characterised as a courtier. He has traditionally been cast as a grave, hard-working statesman. Historians today recognise that almost every Elizabethan politician of national stature was, to a certain extent, a courtier. However, the epithet ‘courtly’ is still largely reserved for the self-styled chevaliers of Elizabeth's entourage. The courtliness of men such as Burghley, whose public persona was based predominantly on ‘civil’ rather than chivalric values, is rarely acknowledged. Yet Balthazar Castiglione's celebrated dialogue, Il libro del cortegiano, explored civil and martial ideals of courtly conduct. Burghley can be (and was) depicted as a model Castiglionean courtier. His friends and early biographers credited him with il Cortegiano's signature characteristic, sprezzatura. They also emphasised his social versatility – another attribute associated with il Cortegiano. Moreover, Burghley shared Castiglione's monarchocentric political agenda. He served his commonwealth by cultivating a personal relationship with his prince. This relationship licensed him to counsel Elizabeth, encouraging her to rule wisely and virtuously. He thus embraced the Castiglionean paradigm whereby public service was identified with personal service to a particular monarch. Burghley's adoption of this paradigm has arguably been overlooked as a result of the historiographical climate of the past twenty years. Patrick Collinson's enormously influential concept of monarchical republicanism has encouraged historians to conceptualise Burghley as a republican who happened to live in a monarchy. This may have obscured his approximation to Castiglione's ideal courtier, who was specifically designed to operate in a monarchical context.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Smith, Alan G. R., ‘Introduction’, in Michael Hickes, The Anonymous Life of William Cecil, Lord Burghley, ed. Smith (Lewiston, NY, and Queenston, ON, 1990), 10Google Scholar.

2 Hickes, Life of Cecil, 70, 73.

3 Ibid., 121–2.

4 British Library (BL), Lansdowne MS 102, fo. 10r.

5 See, for example, Stephen Alford, Burghley: William Cecil at the Court of Elizabeth I (New Haven and London, 2008), 315.

6 Cicero, On the Ideal Orator, trans. James M. May and Jakob Wisse (Oxford and New York, 2001), 63.

7 According to Henry Peacham, Burghley ‘would alwaies carry [Cicero's De officiis] about him, either in his bosome or pocket’. Henry Peacham, The Compleat Gentleman (1622), 45.

8 Thomas Hoby, The Covrtyer of Count Baldessar Castilio, trans. Thomas Hoby (1561), sig. Cir. All subsequent references to this edition. For Cicero's influence on Castiglione, see Jennifer Richards, ‘Assumed Simplicity and the Critique of Nobility: Or, how Castiglione Read Cicero’, Renaissance Quarterly, 54, 2 (Summer 2001), 460–86.

9 As Peter Burke observes, the word sprezzatura is difficult to translate. The first English translator, Thomas Hoby, translated it as ‘Reckelessness’, and ‘disgracing’. Peter Burke, The Fortunes of the Courtier: The European Reception of Castiglione's Cortegiano (Cambridge, 1995; repr. University Park, Pennsylvania, 1996), 68–71.

10 Sidney Anglo, ‘The Courtier: The Renaissance and Changing Ideals’, in The Courts of Europe: Politics, Patronage and Royalty 1400–1700, ed. A. G. Dickens (1977), 33–53 (36).

11 The quotation comes from Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst's commendatory sonnet, published with Hoby's Covrtyer, sig. Aiiv.

12 Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Eir. The passage quoted above is Cesare Gonzaga's paraphrase of Ludovico Canossa's argument.

13 Ibid., sig. Eiir.

14 In Lorenzo Ducci's Ars aulica, for example, aspiring royal attendants were advised ‘to shunne a most dangerous rocke [note the appropriation of Canossa's metaphor], that is curious and open affectation’. Lorenzo Ducci, Ars aulica: Or the Courtiers Arte, trans. [Edward Blount?] (1607), 88.

15 Hudson, Winthrop S., The Cambridge Connection and the Elizabethan Settlement of 1559 (Durham, NC, 1980), 4660Google Scholar.

16 Robert Naunton, Fragmenta regalia (1641), 27.

17 Thomas Cromwell was Elton's archetypal statesman. See G. R. Elton, ‘Tudor Government: The Points of Contact. III. The Court’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, fifth series, 26 (1976), 211–28 (215). The epithet ‘a somewhat humdrum but very sound civil servant’ was applied to Walter Mildmay. Burghley was similarly described as ‘rather drabber’ than his mistress, ‘the brilliant queen’. Geoffrey Elton, England under the Tudors (1955; 2nd edn 1974), 263, 410.

18 Elton, ‘Tudor Government’, 225.

19 See, for example, Christopher Hill, The English Revolution: 1640 (1940; 3rd edn 1955; repr. 1985), 11–20.

20 Tawney, R. H., ‘The Rise of the Gentry, 1558–1640’, Economic History Review, 11, 1 (1941), 138Google Scholar.

21 Stone, Lawrence, The Crisis of the Aristocracy: 1558–1641 (Oxford, 1965; repr. 1966), 13Google Scholar.

22 J. E. Neale made this comment about Cecil. J. E. Neale, Queen Elizabeth I (1934; repr. 1952), 62.

23 Conyers Read's conception of a courtier can be gauged from Mr Secretary Cecil, in which he summarised the career of Cecil's father Richard. Having described Richard's ‘painfully slow’ promotion at Court (from Page of the Chamber to Groom of the Wardrobe to Yeoman of the Wardrobe), Read wrote: ‘He never got beyond that [Yeoman of the Wardrobe]. But always he remained close the royal person. Probably he should be classified among the courtiers. Henry VIII evidently thought well of him in that role, took him along to the Field of the Cloth of Gold and later to the siege of Boulogne. But the King made nothing more of him.’ Read added that ‘Henry VIII had too keen an eye for a good man to have missed Richard if Richard had had the qualities which won for his son a unique position beside Henry's great daughter.’ Conyers Read, Mr Secretary Cecil and Queen Elizabeth (1955; repr. 1965), 20. Courtiers, we infer, were simply royal attendants who lacked the capacity to be serious politicians.

24 Starkey, David, The Reign of Henry VIII: Personalities and Politics (London, 1985; repr. 2002), esp. xiiiiGoogle Scholar.

25 Ibid., 21.

26 David Starkey, ‘Court History in Perspective’, in The English Court: From the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War, ed. David Starkey et al. (Harlow, 1987), 1–24 (12–13).

27 Markku Peltonen, Classical Humanism and Republicanism in English Political Thought: 1570–1640 (Cambridge, 1995), 7.

28 Collinson, Patrick, ‘The Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I’, in his Elizabethan Essays (London and Rio Grande, 1994), 3057Google Scholar.

29 Hoby, Covrtyer, sigs. Oiir–Oiiiv.

30 Starkey, David, ‘The Court: Castiglione's Ideal and Tudor Reality: Being a Discussion of Sir Thomas Wyatt's Satire Addressed to Sir Francis Bryan’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 45 (1982), 232–9Google Scholar; Richards, ‘Assumed Simplicity’.

31 Scott, Mary Augusta, ‘The Book of the Courtyer: A Possible Source of Benedick and Beatrice’, Publications of the Modern Language Association (PMLA), 16, 4 (1901), 475502 (485)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Starkey, ‘Castiglione's Ideal and Tudor Reality’, 233.

33 See the comparison between Aristotle and Calisthenes in Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Ssiiv.

34 Richards, Jennifer, Rhetoric and Courtliness in Early Modern Literature (Cambridge, 2003), 4354CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Javitch, Daniel, Poetry and Courtliness in Renaissance England (Princeton, 1978), 1849Google Scholar.

35 Crane, Mary Thomas, Framing Authority: Sayings, Self and Society in Sixteenth Century England (Durham, NC, 1960), 1238Google Scholar.

36 Alford, Stephen, Early Elizabethan Polity: William Cecil and the British Succession Crisis (Cambridge, 1998), esp. 1424Google Scholar.

37 For example, Skinner explores the anxieties of some commentators about the rhetorical technique of paradiastole, and its deployment in the political sphere. Paradiastole involved the identification of vices with corresponding virtues. According to moralists, it enabled unscrupulous men and women to present wicked traits as positive qualities. Roger Ascham complained that this pernicious trick was routinely used by contemporary courtiers. Skinner, Quentin, Visions of Politics: Hobbes and Civil Science (Cambridge, 2002), 90115Google Scholar; Roger Ascham, The Scholemaster (1570), fos. 14v–15r. I am grateful to Susan Brigden for referring me to Skinner's work on paradiastole.

38 Leicester, Hatton and Sidney have all been identified with the Urbino prototype. See Schrinner, Walter, Castiglione und die englische Renaissance (Berlin, 1939)Google Scholar; Javitch, Daniel, ‘The Philosopher of the Court: A French Satire Misunderstood’, Comparative Literature, 23, 2 (Spring 1971), 97124 (107–8)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Katherine Duncan-Jones, Sir Philip Sidney: Courtier Poet (1991), 156.

39 In his inaugural lecture as Professor of History at the University College of Swansea, Sydney Anglo (playing devil's advocate) asked his audience: ‘what is the Libro del Cortegiano but an elegant amalgam of medieval and Renaissance commonplaces?’. Anglo, Sydney, The Courtier's Art: Systematic Immorality in the Renaissance (Swansea, 1983), 2Google Scholar.

40 See, for example, Elton, G. R., ‘Politics and the Pilgrimage of Grace’, in After the Reformation: Essays in Honor of J. H. Hexter, ed. Malament, Barbara C. (Manchester, 1980), 2556Google Scholar; and Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy, 251–3.

41 James, Mervyn, ‘At a Crossroads of the Political Culture: The Essex Revolt, 1601’, in Society, Politics and Culture: Studies in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1986), 416–65 (459)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Hoby, Covrtyer, sigs. Diiir–Eiv.

43 Ibid., sig. Qiiiir–v.

44 Ibid., sigs. Hiiiv–Hiiiir.

45 Hudson, Cambridge Connection, 54.

46 Hoby, Covrtyer, sigs. Iiir–Iiiiv.

47 Dialogues constructed according to the Ciceronian model (such as Il libro del cortegiano) tended to be open-ended. By contrast, the authors of Socratic dialogues (such as the ‘Courtier and Cuntry-Gentleman’) steered their readers towards a particular conclusion. See Wilson, K. J., The Formation of English Renaissance Dialogue (Washington, 1985), 2344Google Scholar.

48 Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Ssiiv.

49 Anon., ‘The English Courtier, and the Cuntry–Gentleman: A Pleasaunt and Learned Disputation, betweene Them Both’, in Inedited Tracts: Illustrating the Manners, Opinions, and Occupations of Englishmen during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. W. C. Hazlitt (1868; repr. New York, 1964), 1–93 (16).

50 Cicero, Marcus Tullius Ciceroes Thre Bokes of Duties to Marcus his Sonne (1556), fo. 9v.

51 See Collinson, ‘Monarchical Republic’, 48–55; Alford, Burghley, 286–92.

52 Cambridge University Library (CUL), MS Ee. iii. 56, no. 85.

53 See, for example, Eduardo Seccone, ‘Grazia, sprezzatura, affetazione in the Courtier’, in Castiglione: The Real and the Ideal in Renaissance Culture, ed. Robert W. Hanning and David Rosand (New Haven and London, 1983), 45–67 (60).

54 Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Piiiv.

55 Crane, Framing Authority, 94; 119. Nicholas Bacon, The Recreations of his Age (Oxford, printed c. 1903, issued 1919), 3.

56 Crane, Framing Authority, 12–38.

57 Ibid., 10–11.

58 The phrase ‘transcendent dilettantism’ is Sydney Anglo's. Anglo, ‘The Courtier’, 36.

59 Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Eir.

60 Ibid., sig. Eiir.

61 Crane, Framing Authority, 58.

62 Hoby, Covrtyer, sigs. Eiir–Eiiiv.

63 Anglo, ‘Courtier: Changing Ideals’, 36.

64 John Clapham, Elizabeth of England: Certain Observations concerning the Life and Reign of Queen Elizabeth by John Clapham, ed. Evelyn Plummer Read and Conyers Read (Philadelphia, 1951), 71.

65 Ibid., 70.

66 Ibid., 83.

67 William Camden, Annals, or, the Historie of the Most Renowned and Victorious Princesse Elizabeth, trans. R. N. (1635), 494. For Camden's relationship with Burghley, see Patrick Collinson, ‘One of Us? William Camden and the Making of History’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, sixth series, 8 (1998), 139–63 (158).

68 Ascham, Scholemaster, sig. Bjr.

69 Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Ciiir.

70 Ibid., sig. Diiiir.

71 Starkey, ‘Court History in Perspective’, 7.

72 Philibert de Vienne, The Philosopher of the Court, trans. George North (1575), 95.

73 S[imon] R[obson], The Covrte of Ciuill Courtesie: Fitly Furnished with a Pleasant Porte of Stately Phrases and Pithie Precepts (1577), sig. Aiiiv. The phrase ‘at all assays’ suggests a wide range of scenarios.

74 Giovanni della Casa, Galateo: Or Rather, a Treatise of the Manners and Behauiours, it Behoueth a Man to Vse and Eschewe, in his Familiar Conuersation, trans. Robert Peterson (Newbery, 1576; facsimile reproduction Amsterdam and New York, 1969), 4.

75 Hickes, Life of Cecil, 123.

76 Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Ciiir.

77 Caroline Ruutz-Rees, ‘Some Notes of Gabriel Harvey's in Hoby's Translation of Castiglione's Courtier (1561)’, PMLA, 25 (1910), 608–39 (616–17).

78 Alford, Burghley, 142–3, 228–9.

79 Felicity Heal and Clive Holmes, The Gentry in England and Wales, 1500–1700 (Basingstoke, 1994), 137–8.

80 The National Archives, SP 12/181, fo. 159r.

81 Husselby, Jill, ‘The Politics of Pleasure: William Cecil and Burghley House’, in Patronage, Culture and Power: The Early Cecils, 1558–1612, ed. Croft, Pauline (New Haven and London, 2002), 32–6Google Scholar.

82 Sutton, James M., Materializing Space at an Early Modern Prodigy House: The Cecils at Theobalds (Aldershot, 2004), 42Google Scholar.

83 Alford, Burghley, 299–302.

84 The Diary of Baron Waldstein, ed. G. W. Groos (1981), 85.

85 John Lyly, ‘Euphues to a Young Gentleman in Athens Names Alcius, who Leauing his Studie Followed All Lyghtnes and Lyued both Shamefully and Sinfully to the Griefe of his Friends and Discredite of the Vniuersitie’, in Euphues: The Anatomy of Wyt (1578), fos. 83v–85r (fo. 84r). For analysis of the debate about the relative merits of lineage and virtue, see Peltonen, Classical Humanism, 35–9.

86 Heal and Holmes, The Gentry in England and Wales, 30–3. Thomas Hoby's widow Elizabeth described her second husband, John Russell, as ‘Right noble twice, by virtue and by birth’. Chronicles of the Tombs: A Select Collection of Epitaphs, ed. Thomas Joseph Pettigrew (1857; repr. New York, 1968), 348. The Elizabethan minister John Bridges observed that ‘true Nobilitie consisteth not so much in the goodes of fortune, gorgeous apparell, and prowde and hauty lookes and behauior, as in courteous countenance, and other virtuous qualities of the minde, the verye true implements and furniture of a right Courtier’. Rudolf Gwalther, An Hundred, Threescore and Fiftene Homelyes or Sermons, vppon the Actes of the Apostles, Written by Saint Luke, trans. John Bridges (1572), sig. a2v.

87 Aristotle himself argued that men ‘become good and excellent through three things. These three are nature, habit, and reason’. Aristotle, The Politics, trans. Carnes Lord (Chicago and London, 1984), 218.

88 Hoby, Covrtyer, sigs. Ciiv–Ciiiir.

89 See Cust, Richard, ‘Catholicism, Antiquarianism and Gentry Honour: The Writings of Sir Thomas Shirley’, Midland History, 23 (1998), 4070 (48–53)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 Bacon to Burghley, 18 Oct. 1580, in The Letters and Life of Francis Bacon, ed. James Spedding (7 vols., 1861–74), i (1861), 13–15.

91 Alford, Burghley, 301–2.

92 Diary of Waldstein, ed. Groos, 85.

93 Roland Mushat Frye, ‘“Looking Before and After”: The Use of Visual Evidence and Symbolism for Interpreting Hamlet’, Huntingdon Library Quarterly, 45, 1 (Winter 1982), 1–19 (15).

94 Walsingham, like most other ambassadors, was perennially short of funds. On 22 June 1572, he notified Cecil that ‘my diet is thin, my family reduced to as small a portion as may be, and my horse being onely twelve’. Dudley Digges, The Compleat Ambassador (1655), 213.

95 See Rivkah Zim, ‘Dialogue and Discretion: Thomas Sackville, Catherine de Medici and the Anjou Marriage Proposal 1571’, Historical Journal, 40, 2 (June 1997), 287–310 (294).

96 Anon., ‘Courtier, and the Cuntry–Gentleman’, 34.

97 Thomas Nelson, A Memorable Epitaph, Made vpon the Lamentable Complaint of the People of England, for the Death of the Right Honorable Sir Frauncis Walsingham Knight (1590).

98 Crane, Framing Authority, 119.

99 See Roy Strong, Nicholas Hilliard (1975), 46.

100 Hoby, Covrtyer, sigs. Oiiiiv–Pir.

101 Ibid., sig. Dir.

102 Sessions, W. A., Henry Howard, the Poet Earl of Surrey: A Life (Oxford, 1999), 364Google Scholar.

103 Leslie Ellis Miller, ‘Dress to Impress: Prince Charles Plays Madrid, March–September 1623’, in The Spanish Match: Prince Charles’ Journey to Madrid, 1623 (Aldershot, 2006) 27–50 (31–2).

104 Collinson, ‘Monarchical Republic’, 43.

105 BL, Lansdowne MS 102, fo. 6r.

106 CUL, MS Ee. iii. 56, no. 85.