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LIVING LIKE THE LAITY? THE NEGOTIATION OF RELIGIOUS STATUS IN THE CITIES OF LATE MEDIEVAL ITALY*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 November 2010

Frances Andrews
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Abstract

Framed by consideration of images of treasurers on the books of the treasury in thirteenth-century Siena, this article uses evidence for the employment of men of religion in city offices in central and northern Italy to show how religious status (treated as a subset of ‘clerical culture’) could become an important object of negotiation between city and churchmen, a tool in the repertoire of power relations. It focuses on the employment of men of religion as urban treasurers and takes Florence in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries as a principal case study, but also touches on the other tasks assigned to men of religion and, very briefly, on evidence from other cities (Bologna, Brescia, Como, Milan, Padua, Perugia and Siena). It outlines some of the possible arguments deployed for this use of men of religion in order to demonstrate that religious status was, like gender, more contingent and fluid than the norm-based models often relied on as a shorthand by historians. Despite the powerful rhetoric of lay–clerical separation in this period, the engagement of men of religion in paid, term-bound urban offices inevitably brought them closer to living like the laity.

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Research Article
Information
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , Volume 20 , December 2010 , pp. 27 - 55
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 2010

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References

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7 See, for example, Constitutiones Concilii quarti Lateranensis una cum Commentariis glossatorum, ed. Antonio Garcia y Garcia (Vatican City, 1981).

8 ‘Constitutiones Concilii Lateranensis IV’, Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, ed. J. Alberigo, J. A. Dossetti, P. Joannou, C. Leonardi and P. Prodi (Bologna, 1973), 233.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid., 218, 243.

11 See Michele Maccarrone, ‘Cura animarum e parochialis sacerdos nelle costituzioni del IV concilio lateranense (1215). Applicazioni in Italia nel secolo XIII’, in Pievi e parrocchie in Italia nel basso medioevo (secc. XIII–XV). Atti del VI convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia (Firenze 21–25 sett. 1981) (2 vols., Rome, 1984), i, 81–195 143. Now also in idem, Nuovi Studi su Innocenzo III, ed. Roberto Lambertini (Rome, 1995), 271–367.

12 Die Konstitutionen Friedrichs II. für das Königreich Sizilien, ed. W. Stürner, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Leges, iv, Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum, ii (Hannover, 1996), 240 (Book 1, titulus 72, rubric 1). This phrase is rendered as ‘state business’ in The Liber Augustalis, trans. James M. Powell (Syracuse, NY, 1971), 39, but the term ‘forensis’, linked to the market or forum, could also refer either to commercial or legal contexts. If the latter, it may have related to the problem of shedding blood, on which see below text at n. 57.

13 For recent accounts see Morris, Colin, The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Miller, Maureen, Power and the Holy in the Age of the Investiture Conflict: A Brief History with Documents (Bedford, 2005)Google Scholar; Cushing, Kathleen, Reform and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century: Spirituality and Social Change (Manchester and New York, 2005)Google Scholar.

14 Miller, Maureen, ‘Religion Makes a Difference: Clerical and Lay Cultures in the Courts of Northern Italy, 1000–1300’, American Historical Review, 105 (2000), 1095–130CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Ibid., 1099.

16 Ibid., 1098–9.

17 Cited ibid., 1097.

18 Ibid., 1096.

19 See Berman, Constance H., Medieval Agriculture, the Southern French Countryside and the Early Cistercians: A Study of Forty-three Monasteries (Philadelphia, 1986)Google Scholar; Bouchard, Constance B., Holy Entrepreneurs. Cistercians, Knights and Economic Exchange in Twelfth-Century Burgundy (Ithaca, NY, 1991)Google Scholar; Schneider, Reinhard, Vom Klosterhaushalt zum Stadt- und Staatshaushalt. Der zisterziensische Beitrag (Stuttgart, 1994)Google Scholar.

20 For early examples of lay treasurers see Castagnetti, Andrea, Mercanti, società e politica nella Marca Veronese-Trevigiana (secoli XI–XIV) (Verona, 1990), 49, 50Google Scholar, 52 and, for a man of substance, Mucciarelli, Roberta, I Tolomei Banchieri di Siena. La parabola di un casato nel xiii e xiv secolo (Siena, 1995), 41Google Scholar; On the need for ‘substance’, see ‘Oculus pastoralis’, ed. Muratori, col. 102.

21 Jakob Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien, first published 1860 and many times translated and reprinted. It should be noted that Burckhardt's views have long been challenged. See for example, Dejob, Charles, La foi religieuse en Italie au quatorzième siècle (Paris, 1906)Google Scholar.

22 For the tri-partite structure of the Humiliati, see Andrews, Frances, The Early Humiliati (Cambridge 1999), 99–135Google Scholar, 256 (Appendix 1, 7–9).

23 ‘Liber statutorum Consulum Cumanorum’, ed. A. Ceruti, Historia Patriae Monumenta, xvi, Leges municipales ii/1 (Turin, 1876), c. 103. Mistakenly dated to the 1220s in Zanoni, Gli Umiliati, 227.

24 For a first analysis of the Sienese material, see Andrews, ‘Monastic Observance’, 357–83.

25 For fifteenth-century examples: Siena, Archivio di Stato (hereafter ASSi), Concistoro 2174, 29 Dec. 1412; Florence, Archivio di Stato (hereafter ASFi), Libri Fabarum, 57, fo. 91r (17 Aug. 1436).

26 See below text at n. 49.

27 See Little, Lester K., Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY, 1978)Google Scholar; Burr, David, The Spiritual Franciscans. From Protest to Persecution in the Century after St Francis (University Park, PA., 2001)Google Scholar; Todeschini, Giacomo, Ricchezza francescana. Dalla povertà volontaria alla società di mercato (Bologna, 2004)Google Scholar.

28 See Papi, Anna Benvenuti, ‘Vangelo e tiratoi. Gli umiliati ed il loro insediamento fiorentino’, in La ‘Madonna d'Ognissanti’ di Giotto restaurata (Florence, 1992), 75–84, at 78Google Scholar; George W. Dameron, Episcopal Power and Florentine Society 1000–1320 (Cambridge MA, 1991), 129. Andrews, Humiliati, 143, 269 (Appendix 1 *54).

29 Jones, Philip, ‘Le finanze della badia cistercense di Settimo nel secolo XIV’, Rivista di storia della chiesa in Italia, 10 (1956), 90–122Google Scholar; Pirillo, ‘I Cistercensi’, 395; on the financial expertise of the Cistercians see Schneider, Klosterhaushalt, 96–138.

30 See Rosa, Daniela De, Alle origini della repubblica fiorentina: dai consoli al ‘primo popolo’ (1172–1260) (Florence, 1995)Google Scholar, and Najemy, John M., A History of Florence 1200–1575 (Oxford, 2006), 68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the terminology and implications of ‘Guelf’ and ‘Ghibelline’ see now Guelfi e Ghibellini nell'Italia del Rinascimento, ed. Marco Gentile (Rome, 2005).

31 On Villani see Ragone, F., Giovanni Villani e i suoi continuatori. La scrittura delle cronache a Firenze nel Trecento (Rome, 1998)Google Scholar.

32 See Dunbabin, Jean, Charles I of Anjou. Power, Kingship and Statemaking in Thirteenth-Century Europe (London and New York, 1998), 83–6, 135Google Scholar.

33 Giovanni Villani, Nuova Cronica, ed. Giuseppe Porta (3 vols., Parma 1990–1), i, 439–40 (Book 8, cap. 16).

34 Pampaloni, Guido, Firenze al tempo di Dante. Documenti sull'urbanistica fiorentina (Rome, 1973), 100–4, 133, 156, 163–4Google Scholar; Snzura, Franek, L'espansione urbana di Firenze nel Dugento (Florence, 1975), 80–2Google Scholar; Paula Spilner ‘“Ut civitas amplietur”. Studies in Florentine Urban Development 1282–1400’ (Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University, 1987), 30–2, 40.

35 Spilner, ‘“Ut civitas amplietur”’, 275–93, 350–6, 520–63 (appendices v–vii).

36 ASFi, Provvisioni, Registri, 1, fo. 204.

37 For other examples see ASFi, Provvisioni, Registri, 1, fos. 84–5 (14 Jan 1286); Consigli della Repubblica Fiorentina, i, ed. Bernardino Barbadoro, Atti delle Assemblee Costituzionali Italiane dal medio evo al 1831, serie terza, Parlamenti e Consigli Maggiori dei Comuni Italiani, sezione quarta: Consigli della Repubblica Fiorentina (Bologna, 1921, reprinted 1971), part 1, 18–19 (11 July 1301), and, for Siena, Bowsky, William M., ‘The Anatomy of Rebellion in Fourteenth-Century Siena: From Commune to Signory’, in Violence and Civil Disorder in Italian Cities 1200–1500, ed. Martines, Lauro (Berkeley, 1972), 229–72, at 241–4Google Scholar, and Andrews, ‘Monastic Observance’, 374. On Charles II in Florence see Villani, Nuova Cronica, ii, 31–2 (Book 8, cap. 13).

38 ASFi, Provvisioni, Registri, 2, fo. 81.

39 ASFi, Camera del Comune, Provvisioni Canonizzate, 1, fo. 1r.

40 Ibid.

41 As proposed by Pirillo, ‘I Cistercensi’, 398, 399, and idem, ‘Il fiume come investimento: i mulini e i porti sull'Arno della Badia a Settimo (secc. xiii–xiv)’, Storia e Arte della Abbazia Cistercense di San Salvatore a Settimo a Scandicci, ed. Goffredo Viti (Certosa di Firenze, 1995), 63–90.

42 As argued by Pirillo, ‘I Cistercensi’, 397.

43 See Lee, Geoffrey Alan, ‘The Development of Italian Bookkeeping, 1211–1300’, Abacus 9/2 (1973), 137–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘The Coming of Age of Double Entry: The Giovanni Farolfi Ledger of 1299–1300’, Accounting Historians Journal, 4/2 (1977), 79–95; and Carruthers, Bruce G. and Espeland, Wendy Nelson, ‘Accounting for Rationality: Double-Entry Bookkeeping and the Rhetoric of Economic Rationality’, American Journal of Sociology, 97/1 (1991), 31–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 ASFi, Provvisioni, Registri, 2, c. 134, 161, 165, 171, 185 (1290); ibid., Inventory v/307, 65, 142 (1294).

45 ASFi, Camera del Comune, Camarlinghi, unnumbered document following uscita 388; ibid., Provvisioni Canonizzate, 1, fo. 1r (rubrics 1 and 2). See also A. Gherardi, ‘L'antica camera del comune di Firenze’, Archivio Storico Italiano, fourth series, 16 (1885), 313–61, at 325.

46 An oft-cited episode, but see for example Pirillo, ‘I Cistercensi’, 398.

47 ASFi, Diplomatico, Cestello, 27 Oct. 1312; Villani, Nuova Cronica, ii, 247–50 (Book 10, cap. 47); Pirillo, ‘I Cistercensi’, 399; Bowsky, William M., Henry VII in Italy. The Conflict of Empire and City-State 1310–1313 (Lincoln, NB, 1960)Google Scholar.

48 See Dameron, George W., Florence and its Church in the Age of Dante (Philadelphia, 2005), 160–1Google Scholar.

49 ASFi, Compagnie religiose soppresse da Pietro Leopoldo, 481, fo. 46r. I am very grateful to Dr Paula Spilner for first drawing my attention to this document.

50 Statuto del Capitano del Popolo degli anni 1322–25, Statuti della Repubblica Fiorentina, 1, ed. Romolo Caggese (Florence, 1910). New edition by Giuliano Pinto, Francesco Salvestrini and Andrea Zorzi (Florence, 1999), 270–1 (Book 5, rubrics 72–3): ‘Because the Humiliati brothers of Ognissanti in Florence put up almost daily with labours and inconvenience and expense in the service of the popolo and commune of Florence, and in particular in housing officials of the Commune and popolo who are deputed to composing laws and statutes and undertaking other business on behalf of the popolo and commune and will be rendered destitute.’ See also ASFi, Compagnie religiose soppresse da Pietro Leopoldo, 481, fos. 42r–45v. On urban attempts to limit the effects of such immunities, see A. Pertile, Storia del diritto italiano (6 vols., Turin, 1896–1903), iv, 386–95.

51 For examples, Andrews, Humiliati, 260, 274, 288–9 (Appendix 1, 22, 70, 110). Robert Davidsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz (4 vols., Berlin, 1896–1908), iv, 402.

52 The best account of these factions is Compagni, Dino, Cronica, ed. Cappi, Davide (Rome, 2000)Google Scholar, also available in English as Dino Compagni's Chronicle of Florence, trans. Daniel E. Bornstein (Philadelphia, 1986).

53 Davidsohn, Forschungen, iv, 544, 556.

54 ASFi, Camera del Comune, Provvisioni Canonizzate, 1, fos. 16r–18r.

55 ASFi, Libri Fabarum, 10, fo. 93v, 25 Sept. 1314.

56 ASFi, Camera del Comune, Provvisioni Canonizzate, 1, fo. 17r.

57 Ibid., fos. 16v, 17v, 18r.

58 Villani, Nuova Cronica, ii, 218–19 (Book 9, chapter 10); Bowsky, Henry VII, 115, and, on the walls more generally, Snzura, L'espansione urbana di Firenze nel Dugento.

59 ASFi, Camera del Comune, Provvisioni Canonizzate, 1, fos. 18r–19r.

60 See in general Dameron, Episcopal Power, and idem, Florence and its Church.

61 Statuti del Comune di Padova dal secolo XII all'anno 1285, ed. Andrea Gloria (Padua 1873), reedited and translated in Statuti del comune di Padova, ed. Guido Beltrame, Guerrino Citton and Daniela Mazzon (Cittadella 2000), 114 (Book i, rubric xxiii). Antonio Rigon, ‘La Chiesa nell'età comunale e carrarese’, in Diocesi di Padova, Storia Religiosa del Veneto, vi (Padua, 1996), 117–60, at 123–7.

62 Andrews, ‘Monastic Observance’, 366–7.

63 Earlier provisions allowed for greater flexibility: See for example, ASSi, Consiglio Generale (hereafter CG), 9, c. 13v (18 Dec. 1259).

64 ASSi, CG 24, fo. 10v. Transcribed and discussed in Andrews, ‘Monastic Observance’, 368–9 and n. 51.

65 Andrews, ‘Monastic Observance’, 369.

66 See D. Waley, ‘Introduction’, in Il libro bianco di San Gimignano. I documenti più antichi del comune (secolo xii–xiv), i, ed. Donatella Ciampoli (Siena, 1996).

67 ASFi, Comune di San Gimignano, 99, fo. 3r (15 Jan. 1265): ‘Dom Pietro, prior of the abbey of Murchio, elected treasurer of the commune of San Gimignano, having permission from dom Bartal[ome]o, prior of the order of Camaldoli, accepted the office of treasurer, promising to carry out this office well and fairly (lawfully) and in everything according to what is contained in the chapter of the constitution of the commune of San Gimignano on the treasury.’ I am very grateful to Professor Oretta Muzzi who first allowed me to consult her own lists of camerlenghi in San Gimignano.

68 ASFi, Comune di San Gimignano, 100, fo. 58r (1 July 1265).

69 The importance of the vow was underlined by Trexler, ‘Honor’, 319.

70 ASFi, Diplomatico Camaldoli, eremo, 1 Nov. 1263, 25 Jan. 1266 and ad datam. I am particularly grateful to Dr Cécile Caby for this information.

71 Andrews, ‘Monastic Observance’, 366.

72 Schneider, Klosterhaushalt, 29–85.

73 Andrews, Humiliati, 273–4, 276, 280–5 (Appendix 1, 65–6 (1247), 70 (1249), 88–91, 95 (1251), 97a–c (1250–1) 98, (1252), 102–3 (1253)). Bullarium Franciscanum Romanorum pontificum constitutiones, epistolas, ac diplomata continens tribus ordinibus minorum, clarissarum et poenitentium, ed. J. Sbaralea, i–ii (Rome, 1759–60), i, 30 (25 June 1227), 39–40 (30 Mar. 1228), 65–6 (7 June 1230), 71 (5 Apr. 1231), 99 (15 Mar. 1233), 532 (4 Nov. 1249), ii, 42 (27 Apr. 1255).

74 See, for example, epithets for the treasurers in Siena: ASSi, Biccherna, 107, fo. 140r: ‘religioso et honesto dompno Guidone’, 113, fo. 145r: ‘a Religioso et honesto viro frater Thomasino de humiliatis camerario Communis’, 123 fo. 1r: ‘religiosi et honesti viri fratris Bartholomei de humiliatis camerarii’. Statuti del comune di San Gimignano compilati nel 1255, ed. L. Pecori (Florence, 1853), Book 1, rubric 9, 668, refers to the election of ‘unus bonus et probus camerarius, seu religiosus’.

75 For example, ASSi, Biccherna, 107 fo. 138 (1291).

76 The statutes of Florence of 1289 applied to both lay and clerical appointees. See also, for example, the reference to appointing ‘decem bonos, prudentes et legales homines de vero populo civitatis Mutine’, in Vicini, Emilio, Respublica Mutinensis (1306–7), i (Milan, 1929), 12–13Google Scholar.

77 These sort of arguments were made by Zanoni, Gli Umiliati, 219; Bowsky, Finance, 7; Trexler, ‘Honor’, 319–22. Discussed in Andrews ‘Monastic Observance’, 359.

78 Statuto del comune e del popolo di Perugia del 1342 in volgare, ed. Mahmoud Salem Elsheikh (4 vols., Perugia, 2000), i, 180 (Book 1, cap. 48): ‘must in future be [a] religious and from a religious house (ordo) and let the order be chosen, or rather the chapter of the order alone and not an individual by name, according to the monastic house that it shall please the Council of the Popolo to determine’.

79 Ibid.

80 Ceruti, ‘Liber statutorum Cumanorum’, c. 105: ‘Religious and honest men living as professed religious, brothers whom the podestà is required to have by any means and to force to do this office.’

81 Gli Statuti Veronesi del 1276 colle correzioni e le aggiunte fino al 1323 (Cod. Campostrini, Bibl. Civica di Verona), ed. Gino Sandri, Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Venezie, n.s. 3 (Venezia 1940), 72–3 (Book 1, rubric lxxv).

82 For the economic/financial angle, see Zanoni, Gli Umiliati, 219.

83 Ibid. See Statuta communis Parmae digesta anno mcclv, Monumenta historica ad provincias Parmensem et Placentinam pertinentia, ed. A. Ronchini (Parma, 1855), i, 462 (1264).

84 See, for example, Biscaro, G., ‘Gli estimi del comune di Milano nel secolo XIII’, Archivio Storico Lombardo, 55 (1928), 343–495Google Scholar. Andrews, Humiliati, 210.

85 Statuti di Bologna dell'anno 1288, ed. Gina Fasoli and Pietro Sella (Vatican City, 1937), i, 48 (Book ii, rubric iii).

86 ‘Statuti di Brescia dell'anno mcccxiii’, Historia Patriae Monumenta, xvi, Leges municipales ii/1 (Turin, 1876), col. 1632 (rubric clix): ‘De sortibus generalibus bis in anno dandis . . . habeantur duo fratres Praedicatores, et duo Minores, litterati, foresterii.’ On uses of litteratus see Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record, England 1066–1307, 2nd edn (Oxford and Cambridge, MA, 1993)Google Scholar.

87 See, for example, Clanchy, Michael T., ‘Parchment and Paper: Manuscript Culture 1100–1500’, in A Companion to the History of the Book, ed. Eliot, Simon and Rose, Jonathan (Oxford and Cambridge, MA, 2007), 194–206, at 194Google Scholar.

88 Black, Robert D., Education and Society in Florentine Tuscany: Teachers, Pupils and Schools, c. 1250 to 1500 (Leiden, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and idem, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools, 1200–1500 (Cambridge, 2001).

89 As observed by Goldthwaite, Richard A., The Economy of Renaissance Florence (Baltimore, 2009), 91Google Scholar.

90 As argued by Zanoni, Gli Umiliati, 219; Manselli, ‘Gli Umiliati’, 231–6. See also Kamp, Istituzioni comunali, 24; Bowsky, Finance, 7, and more recently, Grillo, ‘Cistercensi’, esp. 386–91, and idem, Milano, 586.

91 See L'anthroponymie, document de l'histoire sociale des mondes méditerranéens médiévaux: actes du colloque international, ed. Monique Bourin, Jean-Marie Martin and François Menant (Rome, 1996).

92 ASSi, Conventi, 162, Caleffo di San Galgano (copied 1319–21), c. 285r–v. Andrews, ‘Monastic Observance’, 378.

93 Andrews, Humiliati, 31–2.

94 As observed, with reference to the Cistercians, by Bowsky, Finance, 7.

95 Ceruti, ‘Liber statutorum Cumanorum’, c. 235 (rubric 398).

96 Statuti del comune di San Gimignano compilati nel 1255, ed. L. Pecori (Florence, 1853), 668 (Book 1, rubric 9).

97 See above nn. 85 and 86. See also Dejob, La foi religieuse, 92, with reference to Florence in 1328.

98 Statuti di Bologna dell'anno 1288, ed. Fasoli and Sella, i, 48, Book ii, rubric iii: ‘Item elligantur duo fratres penitentie partis Ecclesie, qui debeant superesse ad faciendum fieri pontes et alia laboreria facienda expensis comunis Bononie de parte ecclesie seu Ieremiensium civitatis Bononie’; see also ibid., ii, 161–2n. Elsewhere, the same statutes explicitly exempted their opponents' penitents from this restriction: i, 59, Book ii, rubric viii: ‘De Lambertaciis qui non possunt habere offitium nec esse consiliarii . . . Salvo quod predicta non habeant locum in fratribus penitentie de parte Lambertaciorum, qui possint habere offitia ad voluntatem consilii populi.’

99 Brolis, Maria Teresa, Gli Umiliati a Bergamo nei secoli xiii e xiv (Milan, 1991), 186Google Scholar.

100 See Grillo, ‘Cistercensi’, 386–91, and idem, Milano, 586.

101 Grillo, Milano, 587.

102 For an exception to this in Siena, see Andrews, ‘Monastic Observance’, 365–6.

103 See for example ASFi, Camera del Comune, Provvisioni Canonizzate, 1 fo. 2v (rubric 6).

104 This iconography is also close to other covers: ASSi, Biccherna, 2 (1264); Berlin, Gemäldegalerie M 580 (1278), which shows Bartolomeo de Alexis, monk of San Galgano and future abbot, and ASSi, Biccherna 7 (1280). See Le Biccherne, ed. Tomei, 114–15, 124–7.

105 Miller, ‘Religion’, 1098.