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⁵ Vernon, John to Prior, Matthew (H.M.C., Bath, III, p. 112)Google Scholar, quoted in Hughes, E., Studies in Administration and Finance 1553–1825, with special reference to the history of salt taxation in England (Manchester, 1934), p. 173.Google Scholar

⁶ See Ehrman, J., The Navy in the War of William III 1689–1697 (Cambridge, 1953), PP. 595–8 and 683–6.Google Scholar

⁷ Gunn, J. A. W., Politics and the Public Interest in the 17th Century (London, 1969)Google Scholar, cites and discusses various uses of the phrase in a general political sense, but not specifically in terms of government or administration.

⁸ See, for example, Maydman, H., Naval Speculations and Maritime Politicks … (London, 1691), pp. 54–5, 206Google Scholar; Anon., The State of the Navy Consider'd … (London, 1699) p. 13Google Scholar; and (a little later, during the next war) An Inquiry into the Causes of our Naval Miscarriages … (2nd edn., London, 1707, repr. in Harleian Miscellany, vol. I (1748), pp. 547–64.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ For the Customs, see Hoon, E. E., The Organisation of the English Customs System 1696–1786 (New York, 1938; repr. Newton Abbot, 1968)Google Scholar, and among contemporary works, Anon., The Undue Administration: Or, The Usual Managements of the Customs Considered; And Compar'd with the late pernicious Practices of Removing and Placing Officers, contrary to all former Precedents … (London, 1718)Google Scholar, against the political purges conducted by the Whigs since 1714; and the pamphlets of Henry Crouch in the 1720s on the system of duties and the establishment. For the Excise, besides Hughes, Studies, see , R. E., Choice Chips of Revenue Lore. Being Papers relating to the Establishment of the Excise … (Portsmouth, 1877)Google Scholar, with many extracts from original departmental documents; Owens, J., Plain Papers relating to the Excise Branch ofthe Inland Revenue Department … (n.d. n.p.? Linlithgow, 1878)Google Scholar; Leftwich, B. R., A History of the Excise … (London, (?) 1909)Google Scholar, which despite its title has less meat in it than either R. E. or Owens. Among contemporary works see Instructions for the Gaugers of Excise in the Country (London, 1712)Google Scholar; Leadbetter, Charles, The Royal Ganger … (4th edn., London, 1755)Google Scholar; Clark, Samuel, The British Ganger … (London, 1761)Google Scholar. Owens lists six works on gauging published between 1678 and the first edition of Leadbetter in the 1740s. See also Raphael, M., Pensions and Public Servants. A Study of the Origins of the British System (Paris and The Hague, 1964).Google Scholar

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¹² Benenden Letters, London, Country and Abroad 1753–1821, ed. Hardy, C. F. (London, 1901), Letter 79, pp. 139–40 (5 May 1776).Google Scholar

¹³ Or from 1759 if his time as Private Secretary to Lord Halifax, then President of the Board of Trade, is excluded.

¹⁴ The Memoirs of Richard Cumberland (1st edn., London, 1806), p. 291Google Scholar. Before this, when Lord Hillsborough's influence had secured him the Clerkship of the Reports in the Office of Trade and Plantations (after his breach with his original patron, Halifax), Cumberland records that Pownall did most of the work, so leaving him freer for his literary pursuits.

¹⁵ Besides general histories of the Royal Navy, see Wickwire, F. B., ‘Admiralty Secretaries and the British Civil Service’, Huntington Library Qtrly., xxviii (1964–1965), 235–54Google Scholar; Baugh, D. A., British Naval Administration in the Age of Walpole (Princeton, 1965)Google Scholar; Crimmin, P. K., ‘Admiralty Relations with the Treasury, 1783–1806: The Preparation of Naval Estimates and the Beginnings of Treasury Control’, The Mariner's Mirror, liii (1967), 63–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ‘The Financial and Clerical Establishment of the Admiralty Office, 1783–1806’, ibid., lv (1969), 299–309; Haas, J. M., ‘Royal Dockyards: The Earliest Visitations and Reforms, 1749–1778’, Hist. Jnl., xiii (1970), 191–215CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Naval Administration 1715–50, ed. D. Baugh (Navy Ree. Soc., vol. 120, 1977)Google Scholar; Webb, P. L. C., ‘The Rebuilding and Repair of the Fleet, 1783–93’, Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., 1 (1977), 194–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gradish, S. F., ‘Wages and Manning: the Navy Act of 1758’, Eng. Hist. Rev., xciii (1978), 46–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There are many, earlier articles in the Mariner's Mirror still of relevance. Of the older works, Robinson, C. N., The British Fleet (London, 1894)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Hamilton, R. V., Naval Administration … (London, 1896)Google Scholar, are among the most useful; also Briggs, J. Y., Naval Administration … 1827–1897 (London, 1897).Google Scholar

¹⁶ D.N.B., arts. ‘John Barrow’ and ‘William Marsden’; Marsden, , A Brief Memoir; An Autobiographical Memoir of Sir John Barrow, Bart … (London, 1847)Google Scholar; Lloyd, C., Mr. Barrow of the Admiralty … 1764–1848 (London, 1970).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Parliamentary Papers, 1806Google Scholar, ‘The Ten Reports of the Commissioners on Fees etc, of Public Offices; 1786, 1787, 1788’, the Fourth Report, pp. 143–5. For Dundas's involvement, see Matheson, C., The Life of Henry Dundas, 1st Viscount Melville (London, 1933)Google Scholar and Binney, , British Public Finance and Administration, pp. 147–9Google Scholar. The cash balances were usually, of course, much smaller in time of peace.

¹⁸ See The Manning of the Royal Navy: Selected Public Pamphlets 1693–1873, ed. J. S. Bromley (Navy Rec. Soc., vol. 119, 1976).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Compare Lecky, W. E. H., History of England during the 18th Century (8 vols., London, 1878–1890), I, ch. iii, p. 328Google Scholar; D.N.B., art. ‘Thomas Parker; Williams, B., The Whig Supremecy 1714–60 (Oxford, 1939; rev. edn. by C. H. Stuart, 1962), pp. 63–4, 203nGoogle Scholar; Realey, C. B., The Early Opposition to Sir Robert Walpole 1720–1727 (Lawrence, Kansas, 1931). PP. 137–9Google Scholar; Plumb, J. H., Sir Robert Walpole. II. The King's Minister (London, 1960), p. 110Google Scholar; and Speck, W. A., Stability and Strife: England 1714–1760 (London, 1977), pp. 230–1Google Scholar. Of these, Williams's account is the fullest.

²⁰ The literature on this is very extensive. See Spedding, J., Letters and Life of Francis Bacon … vol. VII (London, 1874)Google ScholarD.N.B., art. ‘Bacon’; Gardiner, S. R., History of England … 1603–42 (10 vols., 1884–1891), ch. xxxivGoogle Scholar; Tite, C. C. G., Impeachment and Parliamentary Judicature in Early Stuart England (London, 1974)Google Scholar, chs. IV–V; Marwil, J., The Trials of Counsel: Francis Bacon in 1621 (Detroit, 1976), ch. 1.Google Scholar

²¹ Besides the various editions of State Trials, see for the fullest account The Tryal of Thomas Earl of Macclesfield in the House of Peers for High Crimes and Misdemeanours; upon an Impeachment … (folio, London, 1725)Google Scholar; there is a very convenient, if prejudiced, summary in Wilson, George, Bribes No Perquisites … (London, 1726).Google Scholar

²² The Lives of the Norths, ed. Jessop, A. (3 vols., London, 1890), vol. IGoogle Scholar; North, Roger, Life of Lord Guildford, pp. 297–8, para. 347.Google Scholar

²³ The Private Diary of William, first Earl Cowper, Lord Chancellor of England, ed. Hawtrey, E. C. (Roxburghe Club, No. 49, 1833), pp. 29–30Google Scholar; Burnet, G., History of His Own Time … (3rd edn., 4 vols., London, 1766), vol. IV, p. 141Google Scholar. Burnet strongly implied that, although he was never charged with bribery, Cowper's predecessor, Lord Keeper Wright, was corrupt and that he sold church livings through his subordinates (ibid., p. 122). Note, too, Cowper's apparently energetic measures when one of the Masters defaulted in 1708–9 (Sanders, G. W., Orders of … Chancery (vol. I only, in 2 parts, London, 1845), I, p. 435), unless this was merely common form.Google Scholar

²⁴ He had paid the whole of it by 11 August (Peter, 7th Lord King, The Life of John Locke (2 vols., London, 1830)Google Scholar, ‘Notes of Domestic and Foreign Affairs during the last years of the reign of George I and the early part of George II’ [by Peter, 1st Lord King], appended to vol. II).

²⁵ D.N.B., art. ‘Peter 1st Lord King’ (no specific source is given; this is not mentioned in his ‘Notes’).

²⁶ None had been sold within the times of the then holders, though some officers were reluctant to disavow a theoretical right to such venality; the Usher denied that he had sold the three places in his gift, but said that his own position had been purchased (Parliamentary Papers, Reports from Commissioners, 1810, IX, pp. 125–72).Google Scholar

²⁷ On this see Williams, O. C., The Clerical Organisation of the House of Commons 1661–1850 (Oxford, 1954), pp. 305–12Google Scholar; Lambert, S., Bills and Acts. Legislative Procedure in 18th-century England (Cambridge, 1971), p. 227.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²⁹ He seems quite clearly not to be the Tory leader, Sir William, or his son Charles, but Thomas Wyndham (c. 1686–1752) of Gloucestershire, Glamorgan and Norfolk, then M.P. for Dunwich, a minor office-holder in the Duchy of Lancaster and Recorder of Gloucester, who turned increasingly against Walpole and the Court after 1730; he wanted to exclude all pensioners from the House and to investigate the qualifications of M.P.s (The History of Parliament 1715–1754, ed. Sedgwick, R. R. (2 vols., London, 1971), II, pp. 561–2Google Scholar); Wyndham, H. A., A Family History 1688–1837. The Wyndhams of Somerset, Sussex and Wiltshire (London, 1950), chs. V–VI.Google Scholar

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³¹ Cokayne, G. E. et al. , The Complete Peerage (14 vols., London, 1910–1959)Google Scholar, ‘St. Albans’ Wade, John, The Black Book; Or, Corruption Unmasked'; (London, 1820)Google Scholar, and The Extraordinary Black Book. A New Edition (London, 1832)Google Scholar, shows a fixed charge of £640 per annum, although it was also part of Wade's argument that the profits of the Registrar's Office, as of other sections of Chancery, had increased enormously since the later eighteenth century.

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³⁶ And the alcoholic father of another popular radical, Richard Carlile: see D.N.B., art. ‘Carlile’; Cole, G. D. H., ‘Richard Carlile’Google Scholar, Fabian Pamphlet, 1943, repr. in Writers and Rebels, ed. Katanka, M. (London, 1976)Google Scholar. The sources on Paine and Burns are sufficiently well known. In the earlier eighteenth century note also John Warburton, the Yorkshire antiquary, afterwards a herald (D.N.B., art. ‘Warburton’).

³⁷ Arnold-Forster, F. D., At War with the Smugglers. Career of Doctor Arnold's Father (London, 1936)Google Scholar, and D.N.B., art. ‘Thomas Arnold’.

³⁸ See Bentley, G. E. Jr., ‘Thomas Butts, White Collar Maecenas’, Procs. Mod. Langs. Assocn. of America, lxxi (1956), 1052–66Google Scholar, and familiar sources on William Blake.

³⁹ For whom see Hoon, , Organization of the English Customs System, p. 131 and n. 2.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Munro, C. K., The Fountains in Trafalgar Square: Some Reflections on the Civil Service (London, 1952)Google Scholar —nothing like as damning as Chapman, L., Your Disobedient Servant (London, 1978, and pbk. edn., Harmondsworth, 1979).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Part of the letter in question is quoted in Parris, Constitutional Bureaucracy, p. 109Google Scholar, but the whole of it is instructive reading (see Letters of Queen Victoria, ed. E. C. Benson and the 1st Viscount Esher (3 vols., London, 1907), I, pp. 136–8).Google Scholar

⁴² By Brooks, C., in ‘Public Finance and Political Stability: The Administration of the Land Tax, 1688–1720’, Hist. Jnl., xvii (1974), 281–300CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the standard account, see Ward, W. R., The English Land Tax in the 18th Century (Oxford, 1953).Google Scholar

⁴³ Langford, P., The Excise Crisis. Society and Politics in the Age of Walpole (Oxford, 1975).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The actual difference in the cost of collection, according to the findings of the Select Committee on the Public Revenue in 1797–8 (Parliamentary Papers, 1797–8, ‘Finance Reports’, vol. 2, IVth and Vth ReportsGoogle Scholar), was not as dramatic as was later to be alleged (Wade, , Black Book (1820 edn.), p. 3Google Scholar). The overhead costs of the Land Tax were lower still; the Select Committee followed the Public Accounts Commissioners of the previous decade in their praise of the Excise. For the ‘model’ argument, see Torrance, ‘Social Class and Bureaucratic Innovation’, esp. 60–6.

⁴⁵ The Diary of Samuel Pepys, vol. V, 1664, ed. Latham, R. C. and Matthews, W. (London, 1971), pp. 68–9.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ See, amongst numerous other works, Williams, N. J., Contraband Cargoes, Seven Centuries of Smuggling (London, 1959, repr. Hamden, Conn., 1961)Google Scholar; Eighteenth-century Documents relating to the Royal Forests, the Sheriffs, and Smuggling, ed. Cross, A. L. (New York, 1928).Google Scholar

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⁵² Parliamentary Papers, 1810, vol. IIGoogle Scholar, 1st Report of the Select Committee on Sinecure Offices; Eighteenth-Century Documents, ed. Gross, pt. III, no. XLVII.

⁵³ Although even here there had been economies since the early seventeenth century: see Beattie, J. M., The English Court in the Reign of George I (Cambridge, 1967). esp. pp. 17–19.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Whether the primary cause of the mutinies was bad conditions, rising expectations being disappointed, or revolutionary agitation seems largely beside the point in this context.

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