^{page 26 note 1} See Giry, , Manuel de diplomatique (Paris, 1894), pp. 706, 495Google Scholar; for papyrus bulls, Lane Poole, R., History of the papal chancery (1915), p. 37Google Scholar.

^{page 27 note 1} Cf. Les diplômes originaux des Mérovingiens: facsimilés phototypiques, in the authoritative edition of Lauer, MM. and Samaran, (Paris, 1908)Google Scholar, and the facsimiles in Letronne, A., Diplomata et chartae Merovingicae aetatis (Paris, undated)Google Scholar.

^{page 27 note 2} Cf. Kenyon, F. G., Greek papyri in the British Museum (1893)Google Scholar; for extant Merovingian papyri, Preisendanz, K., Papyrusfunde und Papyrusforschung (Leipzig, 1933), p. 29Google Scholar; for Gregory I's papyrus register, ibid., p. 33. The letters of Gregory to St. Augustine, important as they were, had perished before the time of Bede: transcripts of them were rediscovered by an English monk who searched Gregory's register on his behalf.

^{page 28 note 1} See Roberts, C. H. on “ The ancient book,” in Journal of Theol. Studies, 07 1939, pp. 256–7Google Scholar.

^{page 28 note 2} Kenyon, op. cit., I, no. lxxvii; and cf. II, no. cxli.

^{page 28 note 3} Cf. Letronne, tab. vi, an immunity issued by Dado as referendary to St. Denis c. 637: printed in Tardif, , Cartons de rois (Paris, 1866)Google Scholar, no. 8. Letronne's tab. ix (Tardif, no, 10), a diploma of c. 653, is some three feet wide.

^{page 29 note 1} See the collection of formula books ed. by Zeumer, K. in M.G.H., Legum, sect. v. 1–165 [henceforth], Zeumer]Google Scholar. For the dating of the Formulae Marculfi, see appendix.

^{page 30 note 1} Gibbs, M., ed., Early charters of the cathedral church of St. Paul (Camden third series, vol. lvii, 1939)Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 2} In Historical essays in honour of James Tait, p. 313, n. 2.

^{page 30 note 3} See appendix, p. 58.

^{page 31 note 1} Brown, Baldwin, From schola to cathedral (Edinburgh, 1886)Google Scholar.

^{page 31 note 2} 22 Nov., Triduanas a Domino poposci, ut domum meam ecclesiam consecrarem.

^{page 31 note 3} See Strzygowski, J., Die Baukunst der Armenier und Europa (2 vols., Vienna, 1918)Google Scholar.

^{page 32 note 1} Cf. Mansi, , Sacrorum conciliorum … collectio, ix. 838Google Scholar, for council of Braga, 572, c. 1. Placuit ut nullus episcoporum cum per dioceses suas ambulat; and for council of Toledo, 633, c. xxxvi, ibid., x. 629: Episcopum per cunctos dioeceses parochiasque per singulos annos ire oportet.

^{page 32 note 2} See M.G.H., Legum, sect. iii, tom. 1, Conc. Aevi Merov., ed. Maassen, (henceforth, Maassen), 21, c. viiiGoogle Scholar: when a priest holds a diocese, a written record is to be made in the name of the church of those things which he buys.

^{page 32 note 3} Cf. Haddan, and Stubbs, , Councils, henceforth H.S., iii. 539Google Scholar: De vero Aethelardo iam facto archiepiscopo Doroverniensis ecclesiae … ut ei iustitiam faceremus de ipsis diocesibus, tam episcoporum quam monasteriorum; Birch, , Cart. Sax. (henceforth B.C.S.), i. 426Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 1} H.S., iii. 513; B.C.S., i, no. 291; Camb. Med. Hist., iii. 343.

^{page 33 note 2} B.C.S., no. 98.

^{page 33 note 3} Maassen, 79, c. xxi: De his vero clericorum personis, quae de civitatensis ecclesiae officio monastiria, deiocesis vel basilicas in quibuscumque locis positas, id est sive in territoriis, deiocesis sive in ipsis civitatibus suscipiunt ordinandas, in potestate sit episcopi, si de id quod ante de ecclesiastico munere habebant, eos aliquid aut nihil exinde habere voluerit, quia unicuique facultas suscepti monasterii, deiocesis vel basilicae debet plena ratione sufficere. Cf. Lesne, E., Hist. de la propriété ecclésiastique en France, i. 65, n. 2Google Scholar: henceforth, Lesne, Prop. ec.

^{page 34 note 1} Maassen, 94, c. 33; Loening, , Kirchenrecht, ii. 636Google Scholar, n. 3. Cf. also Vacandard, , Vie de Saint Ouen, 641–684 (Paris, 1902), p. 128Google Scholar; Hefele, and Leclercq, , Hist. des conc., 3. i. 271–3Google Scholar, and Mansi, x. 628, c. xxxiii, for the council of Toledo, 633. Cf. also, the chapter on the Merovingian Church in Lot and Pfister, Hist. du Moyen Age, i. c. xiii.

^{page 34 note 2} Cf. canons vii, xx, xxv, of the council of Tours, 567: Maassen, pp. 124–34; and Vacandard, p. 127; for early Gallic monasteries, Lot and Pfister, i. 336.

^{page 35 note 1} Gougaud, L., Les chrétientés celtiques (Paris, 1911), p. 122Google Scholar; Lot, F., Mélanges d'hist. bretonne (1907), p. 24Google Scholar, n. i, for the monastic diocese of Dol, and its parishes or cells, enclaves in 5 other sees. For the continuance of these monastic sees as late as the ninth century, see Gougaud, p. 122, when the bishop of Aleth is sometimes called episcopus Aletensis, sometimes episcopus in Poutrocoet (the monastery). For the Irish monastic parishes (fairche = parochia), see Gougaud, pp. 215–17; Stokes, Whitley, Tripartite life of St. Patrick, p. clxxxiiiGoogle Scholar, and, for the Irish equivalents of bishop, archipresbyter, priest, archdeacon, etc., p. clxxx. For the parochia in the lives of the early Irish saints, see the introduction to Plummer, C., Vitae sanctorum Hiberniae (Oxford, 1910)Google Scholar, and especially the passage, p. xcv, that these lives “belong to a period when the nomad stage is not wholly over, or at least not wholly forgotten,” whence Church organisation was necessarily based on personal rather than territorial units, was tribal and personal rather than local. This personal, non-territorial sphere of a bishop's rule is not peculiar to Celtic usage: St. Bonnet of Clermont at the end of the seventh century referred to his successor as “plebis rector et patriae tutor”: Vacandard, p. 116, n. 2. For some recent information about early Welsh monasteries, especially Holyhead (founded by St. Cybi, c. 540) and Penmon, see An inventory of the anc. mons. in Anglesey (published by H.M. Stationery Office, 1937), p. xciGoogle Scholar.

^{page 35 note 2} The council of Tours, 567, c. xix, (Maassen, 127) deals with archipresbyteri vicani. Archipresbyter, seu in vico manserit, seu ad villam suam ambulaverit, unus lector canonicorum suorum aut certe aliquis de numero clericorum suorum cum illo ambulet.

^{page 36 note 1} Prop. ec., i. 80.

^{page 37 note 1} Lesne, , Prop, ec., i. 55Google Scholar.

^{page 37 note 2} See Mansi, ix. 1149: De auferendo baptisterio de monasterio monachorum.

^{page 37 note 3} See Maassen, 194, c. vi (of a council held after that of Paris, 614): ut intra septa monasterii non baptizetur … me forsitan permissione pontificis.

^{page 37 note 4} See Lesne, , Prop. ec., i. 67, n. 4Google Scholar. The common clause about the bestowal of the chrism without price seems on a par with a clause in the testament of the deacon Grimo, who in 624 transferred “his church” of Tholey, in the diocese of Treves, to that of Verdun: the church was to owe its original mother church of Treves nothing but an exsenium (money payment) for the chrism “for baptizing.”

^{page 38 note 1} See Études sur l'abbaye de Saint-Denis à l' époque Mérovingienne, ii, in Bibliot. de l' École des Chartes, tom, lxxxvi, pp. 57–61; Lesne, , Prop ec., i. 51Google Scholar; Vacandard, op. cit., p. 100, n. 2; and in Revue des questions historiques, tom. lxix (1901), p. 23Google Scholar; also Poeschl, A., Bischofsgut und Mensa Episcopalis (Bonn, 1908), p. 77, n. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 2} Vacandard, p. 37, n. 3.

^{page 38 note 3} Cf. M.G.H., Script. rer. Merov., iv, ed. Krusch, , 195Google Scholar; Poeschl, p. 77. For the equation of archipresbyteri and abbates, see Maassen, p. 195, c. xi.

^{page 39 note 1} Cf., e.g., the signatories to B.C.S., i, nos. 77, 81; H.S. iii. 617 and 618; and the “ presbyter et abbas ” in Mansi, x. 348 and 350.

^{page 39 note 2} Cf. Vacandard, , Vie, pp. 55, 57Google Scholar, and “ Saint Ouen avant son episcopat ” in Revue des questions historiques, lxix. 39Google Scholar; and Bouquet, , Receuil, iv. 629Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 3} For M. Levillain's exhaustive researches on Saint Denis at this period, see Appendix; and for Dagobert's donations, see Barroux, R., Dagobert, roi des Francs (Paris, 1938), p. 196Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 1} The relative similarity in the lives of clerical and ascetic communities at the date, and the ease with which priests and abbots passed from one to the other, is illustrated by many lives of the period. St. Germanus, for instance, was trained as a clerk in the familia of the bishop of Autun, receiving the various orders up to the priesthood, for which he must have been thirty years of age. He was made abbot of St. Symphorian, at times described by Fortunatus as a monastery for “ monks: ” at times described as a “ basilica.” Germanus shared with the brethren the vigils and offices sung before the saint's relics: when he was made bishop of Paris “ he remained a monk,” chanting with the clerks of his new familia the office on vigils. In 588 he dedicated a basilica to St. Vincent, building a monastery near by: and when he died in 576, he was buried in a chapel dedicated to St. Syphorian in the vestibule of this basilica. The separate character of the monastic (ascetic) and clerical life was not stressed in the west till the pontificate of Gregory the Great, imbued with the spirit of Benedictine monachism. When he wrote to John, bishop of Ravenna, Nemo etenim potest et ecclesiasticis obsequiis deserviri et in monachica regula ordinate persistere, ut ipse monasterii districtionem teneat, qui quotidie in ministerio ecclesiastico cogitur permanere, he was protesting against untrained seekers of monastic office, but also drawing a sharper line of distinction between the two lives than would have been made by many virtuous sixth-century Gallic and Italian bishops.

^{page 40 note 2} Cf. the reference to Aethelred's zeal in ecclesiis et baptisteriis extruendis in pope Agatho's letter, B.C.S., i. no. 48.

^{page 41 note 1} H.S., iii. 195.

^{page 43 note 1} M.G.H., Script. rer. Merov., i, ed. Arndt, and Krusch, , p. 447Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 2} M.G.H., Epist. ii., ed. Hartmann, , i. 252Google Scholar.

^{page 44 note 1} M.G.H., Epist. ii., ed. Hartmann, , ii. 212Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 1} Cf. M.G.H., Epist., tom, iii, ed. Hartman, , ii. 203Google Scholar, for Gregory I's confirmation of the privilege granted by Pope Vigilius to Childebert I's monastery at Arles; and ibid., i. 454, for the privilege asked for by Dynamius, ex-governor of Provence, for his nunnery at Marseilles. He asked Gregory I to define the powers of the diocesan bishop and the privilege laid down that the latter should celebrate mass in the monastery chapel only once a year, setting his cathedra there during mass only; he should nominate the presbyter of the monastery, but the nuns themselves should choose their own abbess. Cf. Dalton, O. M.'s ed. of The history of the Franks (Oxford, 1927), i. 354Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 1} For council of Lerida, see Mansi, viii. 612, c. iii; Hefele-Leclercq, 2, ii. 1063. For council of Agaunum, see Maassen, 21, c. x; and for council of Orleans, 511, ibid., 7, c. xix.

^{page 46 note 2} M.G.H., Legum, sect. v, p. 40Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 3} See Levillain, , “ Le formulaire de Marculf et la critique moderne ”, in Bibliot. de l' École des Chartes, tom. lxxxiv. 78 nGoogle Scholar.

^{page 46 note 4} See Poeschl, 94–5; Lesne, , Prop. ec., i. 94, n. 2Google Scholar, and 67, n. 5.

^{page 46 note 5} Maassen, i. 124, c. vii, and 218, c. xiv.

^{page 47 note 1} Lesne, , Prop. ec., i. 67, n. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 2} M.G.H., Script. rer. Merov., i. 397Google Scholar.

^{page 48 note 1} See Lot and Pfister, i. 340.

^{page 48 note 2} Études sur l'abbaye de Saint Denis, iv, in Bib. de l'École des Charles, tom. xci. 60. The presence of matricularii, or registered poor, is characteristic of a bishop's xenodochium, and perhaps suggests that, to its rôles of a “ senior church ” in the see of Paris and minster of Martinian monks, Saint Denis added that of the bishop's xenodochium.

^{page 49 note 1} B.C.S., i, no. 11.

^{page 50 note 1} B.C.S., i, no. 7.

^{page 50 note 2} Of the questioned papal grants to St. Augustine's in the seventh century, that of Adeodatus, B.C.S., i. no. 31, does not conform to the type of exemption here in question; while that of pope Agatho, B.C.S., i. no. 38, merely secures the abbey free election of the abbot, and freedom from the archbishop's right to say mass within the abbey.

^{page 50 note 3} B.C.S., i, no. 87.

^{page 50 note 4} Medehamstede, p. 321.

^{page 51 note 1} Cf. V.C.H., Kent, ii. 12.