Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-5wvtr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-22T03:19:29.902Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Family, Community and Cult on the Eve of the Gregorian Reform

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 May 2009

Extract

One of the most obvious novelties of the eleventh century is the appearance of the crowd on the stage of public events. It would not claim to rival its counterparts in Antiquity or the Renaissance in the permanence of its presence or the scale of its activity, still less in the vividness with which it can be portrayed, or the wonders of analysis that can be performed upon it by its historians. Some of them, indeed, might hesitate to distinguish categorically between the populus which attacked the clergy of Milan in 1056 or formed an army for Peter the Hermit and that which surrounded the tomb of a Merovingian saint or attended the court of a Carolingian lord. But to indulge that hesitation to the point of silence would be to grant to semantics priority over common sense. It is impossible to contemplate the events of the eleventh century, to observe the turbulence of Florence in the 1060s or the Flemish and Rhineland cities in the 1070s, to hear a Gregory VII appealing to the people to boycott their priests and spurn their bishops, a Sigebert of Gembloux lamenting ‘sudden unrest among the populace, new treacheries of servants against their masters and masters’ mistrust of their servants', or a Marbod of Rennes protesting that to denounce the errors of the clergy before the people was ‘not to preach but to undermine’, without conceding not only that a new fear of social upheaval had been generated, but that in some manner it was founded in reality, that the course of events had been changed, and changed significantly on occasion, by the availability of the force of popular indignation to those who knew how to raise it. And quite clearly ‘knowing how to raise it’ was, for the greater part of the century, a religious matter, at least in the sense that the language that stirred the passions of the mob was religious language: the cry that brought out the crowds was that priests were unchaste, or simoniacal or corrupt, a whole generation and more before it became effective to raise the shout for a commune, or against the Jews, or towards the holy places.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1980

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Monumenta Germaniae Historica [M.G.H.], Libelli de Lite, II, 438Google Scholar; Migne, J. P., Patrologia Latina [P.L.], 171, col. 1484.Google Scholar In preparing this paper I have owed a great deal to the conversation of Professors Colin Morris and John Bossy and Drs. Janet L. Nelson and Michael Bentley, and to the comments of Professor Morris on a draft. They are not responsible for the errors and misjudgements which remain.

2 Moore, R. I., The Origins of European Dissent (London, 1977), pp. 265–8Google Scholar. This is not, of course, to deny either the reality of urban poverty in this period (upon which see Bullough, D. A., ‘Social and economic structure and topography in the early medieval city’, Settimani di Studi, 21, Topografia urbana e cittadina (Spoleto, 1974), I, 363)Google Scholar, or the debt of all who have considered these questions to Cohn, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millenium (London, 3rd edn., 1970).Google Scholar

3 Arnulfi gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium usque ad. a. 1077 [henceforth Arnulf], ed. Bethmann, L. C. et Wattenbach, W., M.G.H., Scriptores [SS], 8, pp. 18, 19Google Scholar (‘populus excitatur versus clerum’); (‘conjurationem detastabilem terrabilibus juramentis in populo … exercebant’); Vita Sancti Iohannis Gualberti auctore Andrea abbate Strumensi [ Vita Gualberti] ed. Baethgen, F., M.G.H., SS, 30, ii, p. 1096Google Scholar. For appraisals of these writers' sympathies and vocabulary, see especially Cowdrey, H. E. J., ‘The Papacy, the Patarenes and the Church of Milan, T.R. Hist. S., 5th ser., 18 (1968), 2548CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Cracco, G., ‘Pataria: opus e nomen’, Rivista di storia della chiesa in Italia, xxviii (1974), 357–87.Google Scholar

4 Violante, C., ‘I laici nell movimento patarino’, I laici nella ‘societas Christiana’ dei secoli xi e xii (Pubblicazioni dell'Università cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Miscellanea del Centro di studi medioevali V (Milan, 1968)), pp. 614–19Google Scholar. Compare Rudé, G., ‘The Gordon Riots: a Study of the Rioters and their Victims’, T.R. Hist. S., 5th ser., 6 (1956), 93114CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Davies, N. Z., ‘The Rites of Violence: Religious Riots in Sixteenth-Century France’, Past & Present, 59 (1973), 85–7 and 53, n. 6.Google Scholar

5 Arnulf, p. 16.Google Scholar

6 Landulf, p. 63.Google Scholar

7 Council of Narbonne, 990 (Mansi, J. D., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio [Mansi], XIX, col. 103)Google Scholar. For the development and ideology of the peace movement in general, see Töpfer, B., Volk und Kirche zur Zeit der beginnenden Gottesfriedenbewegung im Frankreich (Berlin, 1957)Google Scholar; Bonnaud-Delamere, R., ‘Les institutions de paix en Aquitaine au xie siècle’, Publications de la Société Jean Bodin XIV: La Paix (Brussels, 1962), I, pp. 415–87.Google Scholar

8 Duby, G., ‘Les laics et la paix de Dieu’, I laici nella ‘societas christiana’, pp. 448–61Google Scholar; now in Duby, G., The Chivalrous Society, trans. Postan, C. (London, 1977).Google Scholar

9 Cowdrey, H. E. J., ‘The Peace and Truce of God in the Eleventh Century’, Past & Present, 46 (1970), 47–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10 Bonnassie, P., La Catalogne du milieu du xe à la fin du xie siècle (Publications de l'Université de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 23 (Toulouse, 1975)), p. 658.Google Scholar

11 Devailly, G., Le Berry du xe siècle au milieu de xiiie (Paris: The Hague 1973), pp. 147–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12 Cowdrey, H. E. J., ‘Archbishop Aribert II of Milan’, History, li (1966), 1214.Google Scholar

13 Rome, , 998Google Scholar (Mansi, , XIX, col. 225).Google Scholar

14 Bordeaux, , 1031Google Scholar (Ibid., XIX, col. 503).

15 Reims, , 990Google Scholar (Ibid., XIX, cols. 95–6); cf. Urgel, , 991Google Scholar (cols. 169–70), León, , 1012 (col. 335), etc.Google Scholar

16 Anse, , 994Google Scholar (Ibid., XIX, cols. 101–2); Poitiers, , 999 (col. 268)Google Scholar; Bordeaux, , 1031 (col. 506).Google Scholar

17 Anse, , 994Google Scholar (Ibid., XIX, cols. 101–2); Poitiers, , 999 (col. 268)Google Scholar; Bordeaux, , 1031 (cols. 503–4).Google Scholar

18 Moore, , Origins, pp. 31–5Google Scholar; see also Taviani, H., ‘Le mariage dans l'hérésie de l'an mil’, Annales E.S.C., 32 (1977), 1074–89.Google Scholar

18 Vita Giraldi, ii, 34Google Scholar (P.L., 133, cols. 688–9)Google Scholar. The whole ‘Life’ is a tract on avoiding the abuse of lordly, if not yet seigneurial, power.

20 Acta synodi Atrebatensis (P.L., 142Google Scholar, col. 1272); Moore, , Origins, pp. 1112, 44–5.Google Scholar

21 As described by Lemarignier, J.-F., ‘La dislocation du pagus et le problème des consuetudines (xe-xie siècles)’, Mélanges dédiés à la mémoire de Louis Halphen (Paris, 1951), pp. 401–10Google Scholar, and by Duby, G., notably in ‘Recherches sur l'évolution des institutions judiciaires pendant le xe et le xie siècle dans le sud de la Bourgogne’, Le Moyen Age 4e sér., i (1946), 149–94Google Scholar; ii (1947), 15–38 ( = The Chivalrous Society, pp. 1458).Google Scholar

22 Vita Gualberti, p. 1080.Google Scholar

23 Vita Sancti Arialdi auctore Andrea abbata Strumensi, ed. Baethgen, F., M.G.H., SS, 30, iiGoogle Scholar [Vita Arialdi], p. 1050.Google Scholar

24 Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum, VIGoogle Scholar, ed. Dümmler, E., M.G.H., Libelli de Lite, I [Bonizo], p. 591Google Scholar; Miccoli, G., ‘Per la storia della pataria milanese’, Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medioevo, lxx (1958), 43.Google Scholar

25 Vita Gualberti, p. 1091Google Scholar. On another occasion Gualberti made some shepherds work at ploughing during the day ‘contra morem’, compensating them by putting a supernatural watch on their flock so that they could sleep that night (ibid., p. 1092).

26 Mansi, , XIX, col. 830Google Scholar; Magnou-Nortier, E., La société laïque et l'église dans la province écclésiastique de Narbonne de la fin du VIIIe à la fin du XIe siècle (Publ. de l'université de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 20 (Toulouse, 1974)), pp. 305–7.Google Scholar

27 Carozzi, C., ‘Les fondements de la tripartition sociale chez Adalbéron de Laon’, Annales E.S.C., 33 (1978), 683702.Google Scholar

28 Fossier, R., Chartes de coutume en Picardie (xie-xiiie siècle) (Collection des documents inedits sur l'histoire de France: section d'histoire et de philologie jusqu'à 1610 (Paris, 1974)), p. 26Google Scholar; Duby, G., La société aux xie et xiie siècles dans la région maconnaise (Paris, 1953), pp. 286–90.Google Scholar

29 Fournier, G., Le peuplement rural en Basse-Auvergne durant le Haut Moyen Age (Publ, de la faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Clermont-Ferrand, 2e série, 12 (Paris, 1962)), pp. 308–27, 448–70.Google Scholar

30 Bonnassie, , La Catalogne, p. 491.Google Scholar

31 And, conversely, the demand for parochial rights for local churches became an expression of communal vigour (Boyd, C. E., Tithes and Parishes in Medieval Italy (Ithaca, 1952), pp. 157–8).Google Scholar

32 Examples in Duby, , Société … maconnaise, pp. 286–90Google Scholar; Bullough, , ‘Social and economic structure’, p. 362Google Scholar; Brooke, C. N. L., ‘The Church in the Towns 1000–1200’Google Scholar, Studies in Church History, ed. Baker, Derek [S.C.H.], 6 (1970), pp. 68–9, 78Google Scholar; Campbell, J., ‘The Church in Anglo-Saxon Towns’, S.C.H., 16 (1979), pp. 127–9.Google Scholar

33 Fossier, , Charles de Coutume, pp. 42–7.Google Scholar

34 Bonnassie, , La Catalogue, p. 309Google Scholar; Fossier, , Chartes de Coutume, pp. 33–4.Google Scholar

35 Fossier, R., La terre et les hommes en Picardie jusqu'à la fin du xiiie siècle (Paris: Louvain, 1968), pp. 203–08Google Scholar; Duby, G., The Early Growth of the European Economy (London, 1974), pp. 183–6.Google Scholar

36 Toubert, P., Les structures du Latium médiévale: le Latium méridionale et le Sabine du ixe à la fin du xiie siècle (Rome, 1973), pp. 704–28.Google Scholar

37 Fossier, , Picardie, pp. 552–3Google Scholar; Bonnassie, , La Catalogne, pp. 266–7Google Scholar; Herlihy, D., ‘Land; Family and Women in Continental Europe, 701–1200’, Traditio, 18 (1962), 89120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38 Lestocquoy, J., ‘Les villes et la population urbaine’, Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale, i (1958), 5562CrossRefGoogle Scholar; du Best, J. Massiet, ‘Les origines de la population et du patriciat urbain à Amiens (1109-xive siècle)’, Revue du Nord, xxx (1948), 113–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The point is illustrated—leaving aside the Normans—in Winchester in the Early Middle Ages, ed Biddle, M. (Oxford, 1976), p. 197, fig. 3.Google Scholar

39 Violante, C., La società Milanese nell'età precomunale (Bari, 1953), pp. 104–5Google Scholar. Around Barcelona land values rose by about four times between c. 980 and c. 1020 (Bonnassie, , La Catalogne, p. 413).Google Scholar

40 Nicholas, D., ‘Le développement urbain dans la Flandre médiévale’, Annales E.S.C., 33 (1978), 512Google Scholar. Compare Domenec, J. E. R., ‘The Urban Origins of Barcelona: Agricultural Revolution or Commercial Development?’, Speculum, lii (1977), 265–86.Google Scholar

41 Lestocquoy, , ‘Les villes et la population urbaine’Google Scholar, and Bullough, , ‘Social and economic structure’, with further references.Google Scholar

42 Toubert, , Le Lalium, I, pp. 660–69.Google Scholar

43 Violante, C., ‘Hérésies urbaines et hérésies rurales en Italie du 11e au 13e siècle’, Hérésies et sociétés dans l'Europe pré-industrielle, ed. le Goff, J. (Paris: The Hague, 1968), pp. 171–97.Google Scholar

44 Moore, , Origins, pp. 3541, 62–3.Google Scholar

45 Vita Arialdi, p. 1058.Google Scholar

46 Violante, C., ‘Hérésies urbaines’, pp. 172–3Google Scholar, and ‘Les prêts sur gage fonciers dans la vie économique et sociale de Milan au IIe siècle’, Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale, v (1962), 147–61, 437–59.Google Scholar

47 Fossier, , Charles de Coutume, pp. 26–7.Google Scholar

48 Mansi, , XIX, col. 503Google Scholar; Devailly, , Le Berry, pp. 148–53.Google Scholar

49 Boyd, , Tithes and Parishes, pp. 87102Google Scholar; Ratherius of Verona, Synodica ad Presbyteros etc. (P.L., 136, col. 561).Google Scholar

50 Atto of Vercelli, Epistola IX (P.L., 134Google Scholar, col. 117).

51 Herlihy, D., ‘Land, Family and Women’, 96–7.Google Scholar

52 Bonnassie, , La Catalogne, pp. 545–7Google Scholar, and on the particular vulnerability of the peasant family to disruption through economic insecurity about this time, p. 280.

53 Murray, A., ‘Money and Robbers, 900–1100’, Journal of Medieval History, 4 (1978), 5593.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

54 Compare Homans, C. G., English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century (New York, 1960 edn.), pp. 153–9Google Scholar. For an example in our period, see Bonnassie, , La Catalogne, p. 273.Google Scholar

55 Herlihy, , ‘Land, Family and Women’; P. Bonnassie, ‘Une famille de la campagne Barcelonaise et ses activités économiques aux alentours de l'an Mil’, Annales du Midi 76, no. 8 (1964), 279, 293–6.Google Scholar

56 Duby, G., Medieval Marriage (Baltimore, 1978)Google Scholar, ch. I. M. Toubert, with interesting though fragmentary statistics, insists that clerical concubinage was much less common than the polemics of reformers and anticlerical historians have asserted (Le Latium, pp. 779–84, 894–98)Google Scholar. He agrees, however, that it reached a peak in the decades here under discussion, and that its importance is not simply a matter of numbers and percentages (p. 784). His Malthusian account of ‘situations d'exclusion et d'illégitimité’ (p. 776 ff.) is generally in harmony with that offered here.

57 P.L., 134, cols. 116–17.Google Scholar

58 Vita Arialdi, p. 1055.Google Scholar

59 Bonnassie, , La Catalogne, p. 273Google Scholar. Magnou-Nortier, (La société … et l'église, pp. 434–5)Google Scholar, has examples of scribes avoiding the description uxor for priests' wives, c. 1000.

60 P.L., 134, col. 117.Google Scholar

61 Acta synodi Atrebatensis (P.L., 142, col. 1272).Google Scholar

62 Moore, R. I., ‘Some Heretical Attitudes to the Renewal of the Church’, S.C.H., 14 (1977), pp. 8793.Google Scholar

63 E.g. Ratherius, (P.L., 136, cols. 561–2)Google Scholar. I owe this observation to Dr. Bentley.

64 Moore, , Origins, pp. 820Google Scholar, and passim.

65 P.L., 136, cols. 559–60.Google Scholar

66 Middleton, John, Lugbara Religion (London, 1960), pp. 155, 161, 165, 182–3, 220, etc.Google Scholar

67 Ibid., pp. 256–6. Compare the discussion of Beattie, John (Other Cultures (London, 1966 edn.), pp. 233–7)Google Scholar, insisting that ‘like all ritual, sacrifice is a way of saying something as well as a way of doing something’, and the more sweeping but very stimulating discussion of Girard, René (Violence and the Sacred (Baltimore and London, 1977))Google Scholar to which I was directed by Professor Bossy.

68 Bossy, J., ‘Blood and Baptism: Kinship, Community and Christianity in Western Europe from the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Centuries’, S.C.H., 10 (1973), p. 140.Google Scholar

69 Boyd, , Tithes and Parishes, p. 104.Google Scholar

70 Bonizo, , pp. 591, 596.Google Scholar

71 Murray, A., Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1973), pp. 8790.Google Scholar

72 Burchard of Worms, , Decretorum libri, XX, i, xxiGoogle Scholar (P.L., 140, col. 555)Google Scholar. I owe this point to Professor Morris.

73 Little, L. K., Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy (London, 1979), p. 31.Google Scholar

74 Libri iii adversus simoniacos, ed. Thaner, F., M.G.H., Libelli de Lite, IGoogle Scholar, passim, e.g. II, xxxii, pp. 180–1.

75 Vita Gualberti, p. 1086.Google Scholar

76 Advenus simoniacos, III, xii, p. 212.Google Scholar

77 Douglas, Mary, Purity and Danger (London, 1966), especially pp. 140–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

78 Vita Arialdi, p. 1058Google Scholar. Compare Cattaneo, E., ‘La partecipazione dei laici alla liturgia’, I laid nella ‘societas Christiana’, pp. 396423.Google Scholar

79 Vita Gualberti, p. 1105.Google Scholar

80 Compare the chaos which accusations and counter-accusations of unchastity wrought among the Italian Cathars a hundred years later (Moore, , Origins, pp. 206Google Scholar

81 Brown, P., ‘Society and the Supernatural: a Medieval Change’, Daedalus (1975), 133–55.Google Scholar

82 Compare Morris, C., ‘Judicium Dei’ S.C.H., 12 (1975), pp. 95111.Google Scholar