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The Origins of a Tradition: King David‘s Tomb on Mount Zion

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Ora Limor*
Affiliation:
The Open University Tel Aviv

Extract

One of the most difficult objectives of research into sacred traditions is to reveal their underlying origins. For early periods, about which we have scanty and sporadic information, the scholar must be content with indicating the earliest piece of historical evidence that connects a tradition with a specific site, though the reasons for this connection often remain unexplained. The tradition that locates the tomb of King David on Mount Zion, the southwestern hill of ancient Jerusalem, has often been considered one such case. Nevertheless this case seems to be exceptional. In this study I shall attempt to show that it is possible not only to indicate the connection between a site and a tradition, but also to explain the circumstances of the emergence of this tradition.

Type
Miscellany
Copyright
Copyright © 1988 Fordham University Press 

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References

1 See Eusebius, , Demonstratio evangelica, GCS 23.20 [PG 22.43]; von Skythopolis, Kyrillos, Leben des Sabas , ed. Schwartz, E. (Leipzig 1939) 153; Theodosius, , De situ Terrae Sanctae, CCL 175.118.Google Scholar

2 See Pinkerfeld, J., ‘David's Tomb,’ Louis M. Rabinowitz Fund for the Exploration of Ancient Synagogues Bulletin 3 (1960) 4143. This assumption was made because the edifice faced north toward the Temple Mount and not east as was customary in Christian churches. Pinkerfeld's assumption has on the whole been accepted by Avi-Yona (ibid. 43) and Tsafrir, Y., ‘Zion: The South-Western Hill of Jerusalem and its Place in the Urban Development of the City in the Byzantine Period’ (diss. Jerusalem 1975) 105, 197–205 (in Hebrew). This is the most extensive study on Mount Zion during the Byzantine period.Google Scholar

3 See Prawer, J., ‘The Friars of Mount Zion and the Jews of Jerusalem in the Fifteenth Century,’ Bulletin of the Jewish Palestine Exploration Society 14 (1948–49) 1524 (in Hebrew); Schein, S., ‘The Custodia Terrae Sanctae and the Image of the Jews in the Late Middle Ages,’ Cathedra 19 (1981) 47–54 (in Hebrew); Jacoby, D., ‘The Franciscans, the Jews, and the Problem of Mount Zion during the Fifteenth Century: A Reappraisal,’ Cathedra 39 (1986) 51–70 (in Hebrew). I am indebted to Elhanan Reiner for information concerning the Jewish settlement on Mount Zion and the Jewish traditions that relate to it.Google Scholar

4 Hirschberg, H. Z., ‘The Tombs of David and Solomon in Moslem Tradition,’ Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographic Studies 3 (1954) 213–20 (in Hebrew). Nallino's, C. A. well-known discussion is highly polemical: ‘Sull'infondata leggenda della “Tomba di Davide” sottostante al santuario del Cenacolo in Gerusalemme,’ Atti della R. accademia delle scienze di Torino 54 (1918–19) 737–57. See also Barkai, G., ‘Concerning the Location of the Tombs of the Later Kings of Judah,’ Between Hermon and Sinai: Memorial to Amnon , ed. Broshi, M. (Jerusalem 1977) 75–92 (in Hebrew).Google Scholar

5 The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, ed. Adler, M. N. (London 1907) 2425.Google Scholar

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9 According to 1 Kings 2.10 King David was buried in the City of David, as were the kings of Judah who succeeded him up to Jehoahaz. Archaeological excavations from the late nineteenth century onward led to the identification of the City of David on the southeastern slope of the Temple Mount. In the Wars of the Jews (1.2.5; 5.4.2) Josephus suggests that the location of the City of David and the tombs of the House of David were known during the Second Temple period. They were, however, forgotten after Jerusalem was sacked by Hadrian and its Jewish residents were expelled.Google Scholar

10 Itinerarium Burdigalense, edd. Geyer, G. and Cuntz, O., CCL 175.20; Hieronymus, Epistula 46 (‘Paula et Eustochium ad Marcellam’), CSEL 54.1.343; Placentinus, Antoninus, Itinerarium, CCL 175.143–44, 167; Adamnanus, , De locis sanctis, CCL 175.207.Google Scholar

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27 Ibid. 98101.Google Scholar

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29 Eusebius, , Historic ecclesiastica 7.19 (PG 20.681); Antoninus, CCL 175.140, 165.Google Scholar

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31 Matt 26 36–46 and parallel texts. For the tradition during the Byzantine period, see Eusebius, , Onomasticon 75; Itinerarium Egeriae , CCL 175.79–80. For the liturgies, see Renoux, , Le Codex arménien 137–39; Tarchnischvilli, , Le Grand Lectionnaire 94.Google Scholar

32 See Baldi, P., Enchiridion locorum sanctorum (Jerusalem 1935) 799 p. 538.Google Scholar

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36 See Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca [= BHG], 3 (Brussels 1957) 1648x–1651d.Google Scholar

37 Garitte, , Le Calendrier 112, 418–19.Google Scholar

38 Compare the following descriptions: Breviarius de Hierosolyma, CCL 175.111; Antoninus, CCL 175.140, 165; Vita Willibaldi, Descriptiones 66; Monachus, Bernardus, Descriptiones 93.Google Scholar

39 See Hirschberg, , ‘The Tombs’ 213 for a summary of these traditions.Google Scholar

40 d'Aguilers, Raimundus, Historia Francorum qui ceperunt Jerusalem, Recueil des historiens des Croisades, historiens occidentaux 3.293.Google Scholar

41 The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela 25; see Arce, A., ‘The Location of David's Tomb According to Benjamin of Tudela's Itinerary,’ Jerusalem in the Middle Ages, Selected Papers, ed. Kedar, B. Z. (Jerusalem 1979) 112–21 (in Hebrew).Google Scholar