¹ After completion of this investigation, there came to attention some very brief remarks made in 1959 at a symposium by Charles Dereine, the noted historian of the canons regular. During the discussion following the presentation of a paper ‘I papi del secolo xii e la vıta comune e regolare del clero’ by Maccarrone, M., Dereine stated ‘En outre ne faut-il pas attribuer une valeur symbolique au fait que la grande majorité des papes réformateurs (sauf Grégoire VII) aient adopté comme patron [a line seems to be omitted here] d'Urbain II est particulièr[e]ment intéressant car Urbain I^re aparaît dans les Fausses Décrétales com[m]e un des promoteurs de la vie commune et son autorité est invoquée dans les milieux de la réforme canoniale dès Anselme de Lucques.’ (La vita comune del clero nei secoli XI e XII; Atti della settimana di studio: Mendola, settembre 1959 [Pubblicazioni dell'Università Cattolica del S. Cuore, ser. 3, scienze storiche 2; Milan 1962] I 406.) A second recent adumbration of this thesis is in Miccoli, Giovanni, Chiesa Gregoriana: Ricerche sulla Riforma del secolo XI (Storici antichi e moderni, n.s. 17; Florence 1966) esp. 241, 275.Google Scholar

² Becker, Alfons, Papst Urban II (1088–99) vol. 1: Herkunft und kirchliche Laufbahn der Papst und die lateinische Christenheit (MGH Schriften 19, pt. 1; Stuttgart 1964) 95–96.Google Scholar

³ Duchesne, L., Le Liber Pontificalis: Texte, introduction et commentaire (Paris 1886–92; reprinted, with additions and corrections in a third vol. by Cyrille Vogel, Paris 1955–57) I 5.Google Scholar

⁴ Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia ecclesiastica 6.21, 23; ed. Bardy, Gustave (Sources chrétiennes 41; Paris 1955) 121, 123.Google Scholar

⁵ Duchesne, I 143–144. See also the critical study of Urban I in the Introduction, I xciii-xciv, and the addenda in the second edition, III 54, 74.Google Scholar

⁶ ‘Hic sua traditione multos convertit ad baptismum et credulitatem, etiam et Valerianum, nobilissimum virum, sponsum sanctae Ceciliae, quos etiam usque ad martyrii palmam perduxit …’ Duchesne, I 143. See also Delehaye, Hippolyte, Étude sur le légendier romain: Les saints de novembre et de décembre (Société des Bollandistes, Subsidia hagiographica 23; Brussels 1936) 73–96, esp. 75–77.Google Scholar

⁷ See the acts of Urban I in AS May VI 5–23.Google Scholar

⁸ Urban, I, Decet omnes christianos ; JL 87. Text in Hinschius, Paul, ed., Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae (Leipzig 1863) 143–146; PG 10.131–142; Mansi 1.747–754.Google Scholar

⁹ Urban, I c. 1 (Hinschius 143–144): ‘Scimus vos non ignorare, quia actenus vita communis inter bonos christianos viguit et adhuc gratia Dei viget, et maxime inter eos qui in sorte domini sunt electi, id est clericos sicut in actibus legitur apostolorum: Multitudinis autem credentium erat cor unum et anima una; nec quisquam eorum quae possidebat aliquid suum esse dicebat, sed erant illis omnia communia.’ Cf. Acts 4.32.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Urban, I c. 2 (Hinschius 144): ‘Videntes autem sacerdotes summi et alii atque levit[a]e et reliqui fideles plus utilitatis posse afferre, si hereditates et agros quos ante vendebant, ecclesiis quibus praesidebant episcopi traderent, eo quod ex sumptibus eorum tam praesentibus quam futuris temporibus plurima et elegantiora possent ministrare fidelibus communem vitam ducentibus quam ex pretio eorum, coeperunt predia et agros quos vendere solebant, matricibus ecclesiis tradere et ex sumptibus eorum vivere.’ Google Scholar

¹¹ Urban, I c. 3–4 (Hinschius 144): ‘Ipsae vero res in ditione singularum parochiarum episcoporum qui locum tenent apostolorum erant, et sunt usque adhuc et futuris semper debent esse temporibus. E quibus episcopi et fideles dispensatores eorum omnibus communem vitam degere volentibus ministrare cuncta necessaria debent, prout melius potuerint, ut nemo in eis egens inveniatur. (4) Ips[a]e enim res fidelium oblationes appellantur, quia Domino offeruntur. Non ergo debent in aliis usibus quam ecclesiasticis et predictorum christianorum fratrum vel indigentium converti, quia vita sunt fidelium et pretia peccatorum adque ad praedictum opus explendum Domino traditae.’ Google Scholar

¹² Urban, I c. 4–5 (Hinschius 144–145). Cf. Acts 5.1–11.Google Scholar

¹³ Urban, I c. 7–11 (Hinschius 145–146).Google Scholar

¹⁴ A quotation from Pseudo-Urban (c. 4 beginning, and c. 5 end) with certain verbal changes can also be found in Charles the Bald, Capitulare Carisiacense (Quierzy; 14 February 857), admonitio ; ed. Boretius, Alfred and Krause, Victor (MGH Legum 2, Capitularia rerum Francorum 2) 289. Whence Regino of Prüm, Libri duo de synodalibus causis et disciplinis ecclesiasticis 2.284; ed. Wasserschleben, F. G. A. (Leipzig 1840; reprinted Graz 1964) 324 (= c. 283 ed. Baluze, in PL 132.338).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Remedius of Chur, Canones pro sua diocesi c. 47–48 (PL 102.1110–11). For a brief discussion of this collection attributed to Remedius, see Fournier, Paul and Le Bras, Gabriel, Histoire des collections canoniques en Occident (Paris 1931) I 212–214; important corrections and additional observations in Horst Fuhrmann, ‘Die sogenannte Kanonensammlung des Remedius von Chur,’ Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 18 (1962) 231–235.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Burchard of Worms, Decretum 3.3 (PL 140. 674); from Urban, I c. 2 (‘Videntes autem sacerdotes …’) cf. n. 10 above. And Burchard 3.143 (PL 140.701–702); from Urban, I c. 4, cf. n. 11 above.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Fournier, and Le Bras, , I 214. The possibility of an intermediate collection between Remedius and Burchard is also raised here.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Damian, Peter, Ad Alexandrum II Romanum Pontificem , epist. 1.13 (PL 144.221): ‘Ab ipso plane principio nascentis Ecclesiae salubris haec coepit consuetudo fidelium, ut sua quaeque vendentes, ad pedes apostolorum, apostolicorumque virorum pecunias ponerent, quibus illi necessitatibus pauperum subsidia ministrarent. Post autem visum est sanctis Patribus, qui scilicet illis in sacri regiminis ordine successerunt, ut ii qui converterentur ad Dominum, nequaquam distraherent praedia, sed ea sanctis Ecclesiis traderent, non jam transitorie, sed jure perpetuo necessitatibus indigentium profutura.’ This letter to Alexander II has been dated between 1061 (October) and 1068; cf. Dressier, Fridolin, Petrus Damiani: Leben und Werk (Studia Anselmiana 34; Rome 1954) 238. Also Damian, , Ad V. [= Hubertum II] Episcopum [Sarsinatem], epist. 4. 12 (PL 144. 322): ‘Ecclesiae quippe nascentis initio his mos inolevit, ut quilibet venientes ad fidem, possessionum suarum jura distraherent, atque ad pedes apostolorum pretium quod ex his sumebatur, offerrent… . Praecedente vero tempore sanctis Ecclesiarum rectoribus visum est, ut ipsa potius ecclesiis praedia traderentur.’ This letter to Hubertus is dated by Dressier (239) in the summer of 1060. The identification of these two passages in Damian with the decretal of Urban I was made by Joseph Ryan, J., Saint Peter Damiani and his Canonical Sources: A Preliminary Study in the Antecedents of the Gregorian Reform (Pontificial Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Studies and Texts 2; Toronto 1956) 73, 113–114.Google Scholar

¹⁹ This has been established by Ryan, ; see esp. 12–13, 160–162.Google Scholar

²⁰ For an analysis of this text, see Dereine, Charles, ‘Le problème de la vie commune chez les canonistes d'Anselme de Lucques à Gratien,’ Studi Gregoriani 3 (1948) 287–298. The Collectio canonum was completed between 1081 and 1086, probably around 1083; cf. Fournier, and Le Bras, , II 27–28.Google Scholar

²¹ Anselm of Lucca, Collectio canonum 7.1; ed. Thaner, Friedrich (Innsbruck 1906–15; reprinted Aalen 1965) 362. This canon declares that ‘boys and youths in the clergy’ should be confined together and subjected to the discipline and tutelage of a senior master to combat adolescent slothfulness. The fourth council of Toledo was held in 633 under the presidency of Isidore of Seville. This canon is c. 23 in Pseudo-Isidore (Hinschius 368, cf. 363 n. 1), but c. 24 in the Hispana (ed. González, F. A. [Madrid 1808] I 375), PL 84.374.Google Scholar

²² Anselm of Lucca 7.2 (Thaner 362–363). Jerome demonstrates to the prospective cleric Nepotianus the derivation of the word ‘cleric’ from the Greek ϰλϱος meaning ‘lot.’ To be the ‘lot of the Lord’ and to possess and be possessed by him, the cleric must have nothing which is not the Lord's. Like the priests and Levites of Israel, he should live from the altar. Jerome, , Ad Nepotianum presbyterum , epist. 52.5; ed. Hilberg, Isidore (CSEL 54.421–425).Google Scholar

²³ Anselm of Lucca 7.3 (Thaner 363). This is one of the Responsiones of Gregory the Great to Augustine. Gregory instructs Augustine to institute that conversatio or way of life followed by the fathers, in which each possessed naught and all was held in common. Clerics outside holy orders who cannot live in celibacy may also be admitted to this community, retaining their wives and sharing equally in the common possessions. Bede, , Historia ecclesiastica 1.27; ed. Plummer, C., Venerabilis Baedae Opera historica (Oxford 1896; reprinted Oxford 1959) I 48–49. Gregory, I, Registrum epistolarum 11.56a; ed. Hartmann, Ludwig M. (MGH Epistolae 2) 333. For recent bibliography on the controversial authenticity of the Responsiones, see especially Meyvaert, Paul, ‘Les “Responsiones” de S. Grégoire le Grand à S. Augustin de Cantorbéry,’ Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 54 (1959) 879–894. And Deanesly, Margaret, ‘The Capitular Text of the Responsiones of Pope Gregory I to St. Augustine,’ Journal of Ecclesiastical History 12 (1961) 231–234.Google Scholar

²⁴ Anselm of Lucca 7.4 (Thaner, 364).Google Scholar

²⁵ Anselm of Lucca 7.5 (Thaner, 364–367). In these two sermons, Augustine describes with considerable detail the community - the ‘monastery of clerics’ - which he established at his episcopal residence. His emphasis is on apostolic poverty and the common life. Augustine of Hippo, De vita et moribus clericorum suorum, sermo 355, passim (PL 39.1568–74); Augustine, , De vita et moribus clericorum suorum II, sermo 356, passim (PL 39.1574–81).Google Scholar

²⁶ Anselm quotes much of Urban I c. 1 (‘Scimus vos non ignorare …’) all of c. 2 and c. 3 (Videntes autem sacerdotes …') and the malediction from c. 4. Cf. nn. 9–12 above.Google Scholar

²⁷ For the development of the eleventh-century concept of canons regular and the canonists sources involved, including St. Augustine, see Dereine, Charles, ‘Vie commune, règle de Saint Augustin et chanoines réguliers au xi^e siècle,’ Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 41 (1946) 365–406; ‘Enquête sur la règle de Saint Augustin,’ Scriptorium 2 (1948) 28–36; and his article ‘Chanoines’ in DHGE XII 353–405.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸ ‘Duo enim ab Ecclesiae sanctae primordiis vitae ejus filiis sunt instituta: una, qua infirmorum debilitas retinetur, altera qua fortiorum vita [? virtus] beata perficitur; una remanens in Segor parvula [Genesis 19.22–23], altera ad montis altiora conscendens; una lacrymis, et eleemosynis quotidiana peccata redimens, altera quotidiana instantia merita aeterna conquirens; alteram tenentes, inferiorem terrenis bonis utuntur; alteram sequentes superiorem bona terrena despiciunt ac relinquunt.’ This passage, and those in nn. 29–31, below, are quoted from the Rottenbuch charter (PL 151.337–339); cf. n. 32. The other three charters all contain virtus rather than vita. Google Scholar

²⁹ ‘Haec autem quae a terrenis divino favore divertitur in duas unius pene ejusdemque praepositi dividitur portiones, canonicorum scilicet atque monachorum. Harum secunda per divinam misericordiam jam frequentia facta etiam in saeculo universo elucet; prima vero de calescente fervore fidelium jam pene omnino defluxit.’ Google Scholar

³⁰ This vital passage seems to be derived directly from Anselm of Lucca's Collectio canonum 7.2–5; cf. nn. 22–25 above. Thus Dereine (‘Le problème de la vie commune …,’ n. 20 above, esp. 293), while Elie Griffe feels that the inspiration instead was Damian, (‘La réforme canoniale en pays audois aux xi^e et xii^e siècles,’ Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique de Toulouse 44 [1943] 82).Google Scholar

³¹ ‘Itaque non minoris aestimandum est meriti, hanc vitam Ecclesiae primitivam aspirante et prosequente Domini spiritu sustentare, quam florentem monachorum religionem ejusdem spiritus perseverantia custodire.’ Google Scholar

³² JL 5459 (1 February 1092); Brackmann, , Germania Pontificia I 375 n. 2 (28 January 1092); text in PL 151.337–339. Cf. Grundmann, Herbert, ‘Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte der religiösen Bewegungen im Mittelalter,’ Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 37 (1955) 149 n. 34. This letter alone contains the reference to Gregory the Great.Google Scholar

³³ JL 5763 (1092–99); edited in Chevalier, Ulysse, Codex diplomaticus ordinis Sancti Rufi Valentiae (Valence 1891) 8–9.Google Scholar

³⁴ JL 5482 (19 March 1093); PL 151.360–361.Google Scholar

³⁵ JL 5496 (11 November 1093); edited in Analecta juris pontifici: Dissertations sur divers sujets de droit canonique, liturgie et théologie 10 (1868?) 531–533.Google Scholar

³⁶ Dereine discovered this hitherto unknown canon of the Council of Piacenza (March 1095) in Utrecht, University Libr. (MS 111, s. xiv) and in Strasbourg, Archives Hospitalières (MS 1291, s. xiii): ‘Item in Placentino concilio Urbani II. De communi clericorum vita, novum quid nequaquam indicimus sed eos qui ecclesiae beneficiis potiuntur, propriis renuntiare, ad exemplar primitivae ecclesiae in qua nemo aliquid suum dicebat, et communione una vivere praecipimus secundum sanctorum scilicet Urbani pape decreta, Augustini et Prosperi instituta. Cui enim est vel quorum ipsi pars Deus sit, talis exhibere se debent ut possideant Dominum, ut possideantur a Domino.’ (Printed in ‘Le problème …,’ n. 20 above, 298, and in ‘L’élaboration du statut canonique des chanoines réguliers, spécialement sous Urbain II,' Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 46 [1951] 551, 557, 558.) This may, however, be a forgery; see a forthcoming article by Kuttner, Stephan in Studia Gratiana. Google Scholar

³⁷ The most valuable introduction to the study of papal names still is Poole, Reginald L., ‘The Names and Numbers of Medieval Popes,’ English Historical Review 32 (1917) 465–478. There is also an unpublished dissertation which seems relevant to this problem: Walter Kaemmerer, ‘Die Papstnamen von Johann XII bis Hadrian IV in ihrer Bedeutung für die Zeitgeschichte’ (Munich, Phil. Diss., July 1921 [1922]). The published abstract, however, indicates that Urban II's name was interpreted as being simply symbolisch. Urban is even omitted from a list of popes whose names reflect a Pseudo-Isidorian influence! (For the Pseudo-Isidorian inspiration of the names of certain reform popes, see Herbert Bloch, ‘The Schism of Anacletus II and the Glanfeuil Forgeries of Peter the Deacon of Monte Cassino,’ Traditio 8 [1952] 180 n. 87.) Google Scholar