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³ See Richardson, E. C. (ed.), Hieronymus, Liber de Viris Inlustribus (TU 14; Leipzig 1896) 51.Google Scholar

⁴ Gennadius was actually speaking of one Peter of Edessa, of whom he said that ‘he composed metrical Psalms in the manner of Ephraem the deacon.’ Richardson, E. C. (ed.), Gennadius, Liber de Viris Inlustribus (TU 14; Leipzig 1896) 87.Google Scholar

⁵ See now Joseph Amar, P., ‘The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian’ (Dissertation, The Catholic University of America 1988). A convenient summary in Latin of the traditional lives of St. Ephraem is readily available in ‘De S. Ephrem Syro Edessae in Mesopotamia,’ AS February 1 (Paris 1863) 49–78.Google Scholar

⁶ In Syriac sources, as will appear below, Ephraem is consistently remembered as ‘the great teacher’ (malpōnǒ rabbǒ).Google Scholar

⁷ Knowles, David, The Monastic Order in England (2nd ed.; Cambridge 1966) 693.Google Scholar

⁸ PG 46.824A–B. As Joseph Amar has argued in ‘The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian’ (above, n. 5) 21 n. 73, a seventh-century date for the Encomium is suggested by a reference at the end of the work to hostile action in Syria on the part of the ‘Barbarian progeny of Ishmael’ (849A).Google Scholar

⁹ Classic studies of the pertinent hagiographical literary genre are Delehaye, H., Les Légendes hagiographiques (2nd ed.; Brussels 1906) and Peeters, P., Orient et Byzance: Le tréfonds oriental de l'hagiographie byzantine (Subsidia Hagiographica 26; Brussels 1950). See also Cox, P., Biography in Late Antiquity: A Quest for the Holy Man (Berkeley 1983).Google Scholar

¹⁰ See De Halleux, André, ‘Une clé pour les hymnes d'Éphrem dans le MS Sinai Syr. 10,’ Le Muséon 85 (1972) 171–99; id., ‘La transmission des hymnes d'Éphrem d'après le MS. Sinai Syr. 10. f. 165v–178a,’ Symposium Syriacum 1972 (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 197; Rome 1974), 21–63; Outtier, B., ‘Contribution à l'étude de la préhistoire des collections d'hymnes d'Éphrem,’ Parole de l'Orient 6–7 (1975–76) 49–61.Google Scholar

¹¹ On the Vita Ephraemi and its origins, see now Amar, J. P., ‘The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian’ (above n. 5). On the Testament of Ephraem, its inauthenticity, and its debt to the tradition that produced the Vita, see Amar, , and Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV (CSCO 335; Louvain 1973) XI–XIV.Google Scholar

¹² See Brock, Sebastian, ‘From Antagonism to Assimilation: Syriac Attitudes to Greek Learning,’ in Garsoïan, N. G. et al. (edd.), East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in the Formative Period (Washington 1982) 17–34.Google Scholar

¹³ See Draguet, R., Les formes syriaques de la matière de l'Histoire Lausiaque (CSCO 389, 398; Louvain 1978). For Syriac translations of the works of the Cappadocians, beginning already in the fifth century, see Baumstark, Anton, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur (Bonn 1922) 75–82.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Aland, Barbara, ‘Die philoxenianisch–harklenische Übersetzungstradition,’ Le Muséon 94 (1981) 321–83.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See Vööbus, Arthur, History of the School of Nisibis (CSCO 266; Louvain 1965) 234–317.Google Scholar

¹⁶ For the spread of the ascetical culture in the West, see Rousseau, Philip, Ascetics, Authority, and the Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian (Oxford 1978). For the East, see Canivet, P., Le Monachisme syrien selon Théodoret de Cyr (Théologie historique 42; Paris 1977).Google Scholar

¹⁷ See Draguet, R., ‘L'Histoire Lausiaque — une œuvre écrite dans l'esprit d'Évagre,’ Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 41 (1946) 321–64; 42 (1947) 4–49; id., Les Formes syriaques de la matière de l'Histoire Lausiaque (CSCO 389–390; Louvain 1978); Guillaumont, A., ‘Les versions syriaques de l'œuvre d'Évagre le Pontique et leur rǒle dans la formation du vocabulaire ascétique syriaque,’ in R. Lavenant (ed.), III^e Symposium Syriacum 1980 (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 221; Rome 1983), 35–41. The works of Evagrius enjoyed a special prestige in the Syriac-speaking world: see Guillaumont, A., Les ‘Kephalaia Gnostica’ d'Évagre le Pontique (Paris 1962) 196–99.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See Fiey, J.-M., ‘Aones, Awūn et Awgīn (Eugène), aux origines du monachisme mésopotamien,’ Analecta Bollandiana 80 (1962) 52–81.Google Scholar

¹⁹ On this incident in the Vita, see Polotsky, H. J., ‘Ephraems Reise nach Aegypten,’ Orientalia 2 (1933) 269–74. The late fourth-century Egyptian St. Bishoi came to play a special role in the spiritual life of the Syriac-speaking church, through his Vita and the liturgical celebration of the anchorite's accomplishments. In the present connection one should note that in all accounts, Egyptian and Syrian, Ephraem's visit is a dominant feature of the story. See the Vita in P. Bedjan (ed.), Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum Syriace 3 (Paris 1892) 572–620. See also Hambye, E. R., ‘Pishay, anachorète — une commémoraison peu connue du calendrier de l'église syrienne d'Antioche,’ L'Orient syrien 7 (1962) 255–58.Google Scholar

²⁰ See Rousseau, O., ‘La rencontre de saint Ephrem et de saint Basile,’ L'Orient syrien 2 (1957) 261–84; 3 (1958) 73–90.Google Scholar

²¹ Ephraem's Testament was first published and translated into French by Rubens Duval, ‘Le Testament de saint Éphrem,’ Journal asiatique 9th series, 18 (1901) 234–319. The critical edition, with German translation, is by Beck, Edmund, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV (CSCO 334–335; Louvain 1973) 334.43–69 (Syriac); 335.53–80 (German). Sabas’ ‘testament’ is a reproach of himself for his sinfulness. The so far unpublished Arabic text is in Vatican Arabic MS 71, fols. 210–14.Google Scholar

²² See Segal, J. B., Edessa, ‘the Blessed City’ (Oxford 1970); Drijvers, H. J. W., ‘Edessa,’ in Theologische Realenzyklopädie 9 (1982) 272–88, esp. 284–88.Google Scholar

²³ The Vita presents the ‘story of Mar Ephrem, hermit and master of the Syrians, who was in Edessa in Mesopotamia’: Amar, ‘The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian’ (above, n. 5) 1. The writer notes Ephraem's birth in Nisibis, and his association with the saintly bishop Jacob. But the Vita says nothing about Ephraem's ministry in his native city. In fact the Vita reports that Ephraem was baptized only after the surrender of Nisibis to the Persians, and just before his move to Edessa, where his career unfolds. See Amar, 34ff. The Testament celebrates Edessa, Ephraem's home, as ‘the mother of wise men.’ See Beck, , Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV (CSCO 334) 50.234.Google Scholar

²⁴ Beck, Edmund, Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum (CSCO 174–175; Louvain 1957). See also Samuel Lieu, N. C., The Emperor Julian, Panegyric and Polemic (Liverpool 1986) 90–134; Sidney Griffith, H., ‘Ephraem the Syrian's Hymns “Against Julian,” Meditations on History and Imperial Power,’ Vigiliae Christianae 41 (1987) 238–66.Google Scholar

²⁵ On this subject see Sidney Griffith, H., ‘History and the Doctrina Addai,’ forthcoming.Google Scholar

²⁶ See now William Petersen, L., The Diatessaron and Ephrem Syrus as Sources of Romanos the Melodist (CSCO 475; Louvain 1985). See also Brock, S. P., ‘Syriac and Greek Hymnography: Problems of Origins,’ Journal of the Iraqī Academy Syriac Corporation 6 (1981–1982) 1–11; reprinted in Studia Patristica 16 (TU 129; Berlin 1985) 77–81.Google Scholar

²⁷ See n. 2 above.Google Scholar

²⁸ See Geerard, M., Clavis Patrum Graecorum 2 (Turnhout 1974) 366–468. See also Schamp, J., ‘Éphrem de Nisibe et Photios: Pour une chasse aux textes à travers la bibliothèque,’ Le Muséon 98 (1985) 293–314.Google Scholar

²⁹ See the Greek text and Latin translation in Assemani, J. S. (ed.), Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia 1 (Rome 1732) 40–70. Concordances to this text and Syriac texts attributed to Ephraem, with further bibliography, are listed in Geerard, Clavis Patrum Graecorum 2. See also Schamp, , ‘Éphrem de Nisibe et Photios,’ n. 28 above.Google Scholar

³⁰ See Bardy, G., ‘Le souvenir de saint Éphrem dans le haut moyen ǎge latin,’ Revue du moyen ǎge latin 2 (1946) 297–300; Kirchmeyer, J. and Hemmerdinger-Iliadou, D., ‘Saint Ephrem et le “Liber Scintillarum”,’ Recherches de science religieuse 46 (1958) 545–50; Pattie, T. S., ‘Ephraem the Syrian and the Latin Manuscripts of “De Paenitentia”,’ The British Library Journal 13 (1987) 1–24.Google Scholar

³¹ In Sermon 42, Theodore proposed the ascetical example of St. John Chrysostom and of ‘Ephraem, famous in song’: S. Theodori Studitae Parva Catechesis, in Mai, A., Nova Patrum Bibliotheca 9 (Rome 1888) 102. In his Testament, Theodore confessed his acceptance of the example of the oriental monks, especially Barsanuphius, Anthony, Ephraem and others. See PG 99.1815. Another Studite monk, now anonymous, remarked that the portraits of these same ‘oriental monks’ were to be found in the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople: see ‘De S. Barsanuphio,’ AS April 2 (Paris and Rome 1866) 22.Google Scholar

³² See Sauget, J. M., ‘Le dossier Éphrémien du manuscrit arabe Strasbourg 4226 et de ses membra disiecta,’ Orientalia Christiana Periodica 42 (1976) 426–58; Khalil, Samir, ‘L'Éphrem arabe, état des travaux,’ Symposium Syriacum 1976 (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 205; Rome 1978) 229–40.Google Scholar

³³ See Fedotov, G. P., The Russian Religious Mind: Kievan Christianity, the 10th to the 13th Centuries (New York 1960) 158–75; Podskalsky, G., Christentum und theologische Literatur in der kiever Rus’ (988–1237) (Munich 1982) 50, 101–104, 140.Google Scholar

³⁴ Benedict XV, ‘Principi apostolorum Petro,’ Acta Apostolicae Sedis 12 (1920) 457–73.Google Scholar

³⁵ See John Martin, R., ‘The Death of Ephraim in Byzantine and Early Italian Painting,’ The Art Bulletin 33 (1951) 217–25.Google Scholar

³⁶ Guidi, I., Chronica Minora (CSCO 1; Paris 1903) 5.Google Scholar

³⁷ Text in Bedjan, P., Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum Syriace 3 (Paris–Leipzig 1892) 665–79. A new edition of this important text is in preparation by Joseph Amar, P., of the Diocese of St. Maron and the University of Notre Dame.Google Scholar

³⁸ Bedjan, , Acta Martyrum 3.667.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ibid. 672.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid. 676.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Scher, Addai, ‘Mar Barhadbšabba ‘Arbaya: Cause de la fondation des écoles,’ Patrologia Orientalis 4 (1908) 377. On the sense of mpaššqōnǒ as Barḥadbshabbā would have understood it, see Vööbus, A., The Statutes of the School of Nisibis (Stockholm 1961) 73.Google Scholar

⁴² Scher, , ‘Mar Barhadbšabba,’ 382.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ephraem was probably never an official mpaššqōnǒ at Nisibis or Edessa, although he was an important teacher in the pre-history of these famous schools. See Vööbus, A., History of the School of Nisibis (CSCO 266; Louvain 1965) 7–9.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See Beck, E., ‘Philoxenos und Ephräm,’ Oriens Christianus 46 (1962) 61–76.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See Brade, Lutz, Untersuchungen zum Scholienbuch des Theodoros bar Konai (Göttinger Orientforschungen 8; Wiesbaden 1975) 78–80, 121; Reinink, G. J., Studien zur Quellen- und Traditionsgeschichte des Evangelienkommentars der Gannat Bussame (CSCO 414; Louvain 1979) 21, 26 et passim. Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See Leloir, L., S. Ephrem, commentaire de l'évangile concordant, version arménienne (CSCO 137 and 145; Louvain 1953–1954); id., S. Ephrem, commentaire de l'évangile concordant, texte syriaque (Manuscrit Chester Beatty 709) (Dublin 1962); id., L'évangile concordant ou le Diatessaron (Sources chrétiennes 121; Paris 1966). See also the studies cited in n. 26 above.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Assemani, J. S., Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana 3.1 (Rome 1725) 61ff. See the English translation in Badger, G. P., The Nestorians and their Rituals II (London 1852) 328.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ For the Syriac works attributed to Ephraem that are of questionable authenticity, and for a list of misattributed works, see Melki, J., ‘Saint Éphrem le Syrien, un bilan de l'édition critique,’ Parole de l'Orient 11 (1983) 44–88.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid. 42–44.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Eventually the documents that present Ephraem in the icon of the holy monk were translated into Armenian. The Syriac Vita appeared in the early 12th century; Ephraem's Testament was translated from Greek in the 11th or 12th century, as was the encomium of Ephraem attributed to Gregory of Nyssa. See Ter-Pétrossian, L. and Outtier, B., Textes arméniens relatifs à s. Ephrem (CSCO 473–474; Louvain 1985).Google Scholar

⁵¹ Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Paschahymnen (CSCO 248; Louvain 1964) 82–83. See also p. 84, stanzas 8 & 9.Google Scholar

⁵² Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen contra Haereses (CSCO 169; Louvain 1957) 211–12.Google Scholar

⁵³ See n. 10 above.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ See Gribomont, J., ‘La tradition liturgique des hymnes pascales de S. Éphrem,’ Parole de l'Orient 4 (1973) 191–246.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Epistle 145 (PG 83.1345D).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Bedjan, , Acta Martyrum 3 (above n. 37) 667.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Lamy, T. J., Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones (Malines 1882–1902). See Melki, , ‘S. Éphrem, un bilan’ (above, n. 48) 18.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See, e.g., Bouvy, E., ‘Les sources historiques de la vie de saint Éphrem,’ Revue Augustinienne 2 (1903) 155–64; Schiwietz, S., Das morgenländische Mönchtum III (Mödling bei Wien 1938) 93–165.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ For a summary account of Beck's editions between the years 1955 and 1975 see Melki, , ‘S. Éphrem, un bilan’ (above n. 48) 23–41.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ So Schiwietz, S. could speak of St. Ephraem, the Syrian doctor of the church, ‘as an ascetic in Nisibis and later a monk outside Edessa’: Das morgenländische Mönchtum III 93.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Aphrahat's exposition on the bnay qyōmǒ in Parisot, I., Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrations (Patrologia Syriaca 1; Paris 1894) 239–312.Google Scholar

⁶² See Vööbus, A., Literary, Critical and Historical Studies in Ephrem the Syrian (Stockholm 1958).Google Scholar

⁶³ Vööbus, A., History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient (CSCO 197; Louvain 1960) 89.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The titles of the five texts bespeak their themes: the ‘Letter to the Mountaineers,’ the homilies ‘On the Solitude of the Anchorites,’ ‘On Anchorites, Hermits and Mourners,’ ‘On Anchorites, Mourners and Hermits,’ and ‘On the Solitaries, Mourners.’ All of these texts, save the last one, have been edited, together with the Testament, in Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV (CSCO 334; Louvain 1973). For Vööbus’ discussion of them, see Vööbus, A., ‘Beiträge zur kritischen Sichtung der asketischen Schriften, die unter dem Namen Ephraem des Syrers überliefert sind,’ Oriens Christianus 39 (1955) 48–55; id., Literary, Critical and Historical Studies 59–86; id., History of Asceticism (above n. 63) 2–10. See now the studies of G. Edward Mathews, Jr., ‘Isaac of Antioch, “On Solitaries, Mourners and Hermits”: A Translation and Commentary’ (MA Thesis, The Catholic University of America 1987).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Vööbus, History of Asceticism (above, n. 63) 93–94.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid. 97.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See Beck, E., ‘Ein Beitrag zur Terminologie des ältesten syrischen “Monchtums,”’ Studia Anselmiana 38 (1956) 254–67; id., ‘Asketentum und Mönchtum bei Ephraem,’ in Il Monachesimo Orientale (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 153; Rome 1958) 341–62 (French translation in L'Orient syrien 3 [1958] 273–98). In these important articles, Beck was reacting principally not to Vööbus’ studies, but to the provocative article of Alfred Adam, ‘Grundbegriffe des Mönchtums in sprachlicher Sicht,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 65 (1953/54) 209–39. Nevertheless, in these studies Beck developed the views that enabled him definitively to perceive the inauthenticity of the ascetical texts Vööbus took to be genuine works of St. Ephraem. See Beck, E., Sermones IV (above n. 11) v–xi. See also Melki, , ‘S. Éphrem, un bilan’ 72–76, 80–82, 87–88.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See nn. 10, 22, 23 above.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ See Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julianus Saba (CSCO 322–323; Louvain 1972); Melki, , ‘S. Éphrem, un bilan’ 38, 57–60.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See Beck, E., ‘Éphrem le Syrien (saint),’ Dictionnaire de spiritualité, 4.788–800; id., ‘Ephraem Syrus,’ Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 5.520–31; Murray, R. P., ‘Ephrem Syrus, St.,’ A Catholic Dictionary of Theology 2.220–23; id., ‘Ephraem Syrus,’ Theologische Realenzyklopädie 9.755–62; De Halleux, A., ‘Saint Éphrem le Syrien,’ Revue théologique de Louvain 14 (1983) 328–55.Google Scholar

⁷¹ This observation and the following points in the biography of Ephraem follow the scheme set forth in De Halleux, A., ‘Saint Éphrem le Syrien,’ 330–33.Google Scholar

⁷² Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Virginitate 37.10 (CSCO 223 [Louvain 1962] 135).Google Scholar

⁷³ See Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen contra Haereses 3.3 (CSCO 169 [Louvain 1957] 11).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See Ephraem's reflections in his Julian hymns in Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum (CSCO 174; Louvain 1957) 66–91. See also Griffith, Sidney H., ‘Ephraem the Syrian's Hymns “Against Julian”: Meditations on History and Imperial Power,’ Vigiliae Christianae 41 (1987) 238–66.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ See Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Carmina Nisibena, erster Teil 33.7 (CSCO 218 [Louvain 1961] 79).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Guidi, , Chronica Minora (above, n. 36) 5.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Butler, , The Lausiac History (above, n. 1) 2.127.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See nn. 10 and 22 above. See also Joseph Amar, P., ‘Monastic Influence and (Greek) Cultural Bias in the Vita Tradition of Ephraem the Syrian,’ to appear.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ On Ephraem's ecclesiology, see Molitor, J., ‘Die kirchlichen Ämter und Stände in der Paulusexegese des hl. Ephräm,’ in Die Kirche und ihre Ämter und Stände: Festgabe Kardinal Frings (Cologne 1960) 379ff.; Ortiz, I. de Urbina, ‘L'évěque et son rǒle d'après saint Ephrém,’ Parole de l'Orient 4 (1973) 137–46; Murray, R., Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (Cambridge 1975); Sidney Griffith, H., ‘Ephraem, the Deacon of Edessa, and the Church of the Empire,’ in Halton, T. and Williman, J. P. (edd.), Diakonia: Studies in Honor of Robert T. Meyer (Washington, D.C. 1986) 22–52.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Beck, , Carmina Nisibena 21.23 (CSCO 218.59).Google Scholar

⁸¹ Ibid. 17.3 (46).Google Scholar

⁸² Ibid. The use of the word dayrǒ here is instructive. Later it will become the standard Syriac word for ‘monastery.’ Here it applies to a ‘fold’ of ministers, or ‘herdsmen,’ within the shepherd's flock, who assist him in his pastoral ministry.Google Scholar

⁸³ Ibid. 17.4 (46).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Beck, , Hymnen contra Haereses 56.10 (CSCO 169.211f.).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Ibid. 66.11 (212).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ See Beck, , Carmina Nisibena 14.1 (CSCO 218.37).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid. 21.5 (55f.).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Butler, , The Lausiac History (above, n. 1) 2.126.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ On this subject see Beck, E., Ephräms Trinitätslehre in Bild von Sonne/Feuer, Licht und Wärme (CSCO 425; Louvain 1981), where there are references to Beck's and others’ earlier studies on the Trinity in the works of Ephraem. See also Sidney Griffith, H., ‘The Cappadocian Trinitarian Formula in Syriac,’ forthcoming.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See Murray, , Symbols of Church and Kingdom (n. 79, above), and ‘The Theory of Symbolism in St. Ephrem's Theology,’ Parole de l'Orient 6/7 (1975/76) 1–20.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See Brown, Peter, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (Berkeley 1982), esp. 103–65, and ‘The Saint as Exemplar in Late Antiquity,’ in J. Hawley (ed.), Saint and Virtue (Berkeley 1988) 3–14.Google Scholar

⁹² Beck, , Carmina Nisibena 15.9 (CSCO 219.41).Google Scholar

⁹³ Ibid. 21.12 (57).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Ibid. 17.3 (46).Google Scholar

⁹⁵ See Parisot, I., Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes (Patrologia Syriaca I; Paris 1894) 239–312. For bibliography see Blum, G. G., ‘Afrahaṭ,’ Theologische Realenzyklopädie 1 (1977) 625–35.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Parisot, , Demonstrationes 276. Here and on subsequent pages, e.g., cols. 292–97, Aphrahat exploits the multiple associations of words built on the root q-w-m, one of which, qyōmǒ, is usually translated ‘covenant’ in the present context. On this issue see Connolly, R. H., ‘Aphraates and Monasticism,’ Journal of Theological Studies 6 (1905) 522–39; Murray, R., ‘The Exhortation to Candidates for Ascetical Vows at Baptism in the Ancient Syriac Church,’ New Testament Studies 21 (1974–1975) 59–80; id., ‘The Features of the Earliest Christian Asceticism,’ in P. Brooks (ed.), Christian Spirituality: Essays in Honor of Gordon Rupp (London 1975), 65–77; Nedungatt, G., ‘The Covenanters of the Early Syriac-Speaking Churches,’ Orientalia Christiana Periodica 39 (1973) 191–215, 419–44.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ See Parisot, , Demonstrationes (above, n. 95) 272–76.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ibid. 276.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Ibid. 309; see also 268f.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Ibid. 312.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Ibid. 269. In the Peshitta, Syriac, īḥǐdōyǒ is the term used in place of the μηνογενοῦς of John 1.14.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Ibid. 260.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ One recalls in this connection the problem of the virgines subintroductae, evident already in the Pseudo-Clementine epistles, ‘Ad virgines,’ which are preserved entire only in Syriac. See the bibliography in Quasten, J., Patrology (Westminster, Md. 1950) 58–59.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ See Parisot, , Demonstrationes (above, n. 95) 341, 356, 357. For the controversy regarding ‘singleness’ as a requirement even for baptism see the studies cited in n. 96 above, esp. Murray, R., ‘The Exhortation to Candidates for Ascetical Vows’ (n. 96, above).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ The most important studies of St. Ephraem's ascetic style of life, which a number of authors call ‘premonastic’ or ‘protomonastic,’ are the following: Beck, E., ‘Ein Beitrag zur Terminologie des ältestens syrischen Mönchtums,’ in B. Steidle (ed.), Antonius Magnus Eremita (356–1956) (Studia Anselmiana 38; Rome 1956) 254–67; id., ‘Asketentum und Mönchtum bei Ephraem,’ in Il Monachesimo Orientale (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 153; Rome 1958) 341–62. In these studies, Beck is reacting against ideas suggested by Adam, A., ‘Grundbegriffe des Mönchtums in sprachlicher Sicht,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 65 (1953) 209–39. For Ephraem see also Leloir, L., ‘Saint Éphrem, moine et pasteur,’ in Théologie de la vie monastique (Théologie 49; Paris 1961) 85–97; id., ‘La pensée monastique d'Éphrem et Martyrius,’ in Symposium Syriacum 1972 (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 197; Rome 1974) 105–34. for the larger issues involved in these discussions see Kretschmar, G., ‘Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach dem Ursprung frühchristlicher Askese,’ Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 61 (1964) 27–67; Guillaumont, A., Aux origines du monachisme chrétien (Spiritualité orientale 30; Bégrolles en Mauges 1979).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ The best book in English on this subject is now Brock, Sebastian, The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual World Vision of St. Ephrem (Rome 1985).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Halleux, De, ‘Saint Ephrem le Syrien’ 353.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ See, e.g., the significance of virginity in Paradise in Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und Contra Julianum 7.6,15 (CSCO 174 [Louvain 1957] 26f., 28f.).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Beck, , Hymnen de Paradiso 7.18 (CSCO 174.29). This verse has been the subject of some controversy, because some scholars see in it a background for the vision of paradise one finds in the Qur'ān, an idea Dom Edmund Beck summarily rejected. See the comment and bibliography in Lavenant, R., Éphrem de Nisibe, Hymnes sur le Paradis (Sources chrétiennes 137; Paris 1968) 103f. The present writer thinks that such ideas as Ephraem expressed were in fact among those that were ‘in the air’ in the Christian milieu with which Muhammad was familiar.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Ecclesia 28.9 (CSCO 198 [Louvain 1960] 68).Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones I 1.356–59 (CSCO 305 [Louvain 1970] 7).Google Scholar

¹¹² Ibid. 9.Google Scholar

¹¹³ S. Brock, P., ‘Ephrem's Letter to Publius,’ Le Muséon 89 (1976) 286f. There is an allusion here to Jesus’ parable of the wise and foolish virgins, Mt. 25.1–13.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Beck, , Sermones I 2.295–98, 348–52 (CSCO 305.18f.).Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ See Griffith, , ‘Ephraem, the Deacon of Edessa’ (above, n. 79).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de Fide (CSCO 154 [Louvain 1955] 7).Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Beck, , Hymnen de Virginitate 21.2 (CSCO 223.71).Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ On the significance of the term abǐlǒ for Ephraem and later writers, see the articles by Beck, E. cited in n. 105 above.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ See n. 64 above.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julianus Saba 2.13 (CSCO 322 [Louvain 1972] 41).Google Scholar

¹²¹ On the double significance of the title ‘single one’ to mean both ‘celibate’ and ‘only-begotten’ see above, and n. 101. The present writer will have more to say on this issue in the forthcoming paper, ‘ “Singles” in God's Service: Celibacy in Early Syrian Asceticism,’ Society for Biblical Literature Annual Meeting; Chicago 1988. Google Scholar

¹²² Beck, E., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV 2.509–32 (CSCO 334 [Louvain 1973] 27f.).Google Scholar