¹ E.g., Kristeller, P. O., Renaissance Thought: I. The Classic, Scholastic and Humanist Strains (New York 1961).Google Scholar

² Kristeller, P. O., Medieval Aspects of Renaissance Learning (ed. and tr. by Mahoney, E. P.; Durham, N.C. 1974).Google Scholar

³ Ullmann, W., Medieval Foundations of Renaissance Humanism (London 1977) particularly 197–202.Google Scholar

⁴ See the discussion in Skinner, Q., The Foundations of Modern Political Thought: I. The Renaissance (Cambridge 1978) 49–65.Google Scholar

⁵ See Kaeppeli, T., ‘Der Dantegegner Guido Vernani o.p. von Rimini,’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven 28 (1938) 107–9; Matteini, N., Il più antico oppositore politico de Dante: Guido Vernani da Rimini: Testo critico del De reprobatione monarchiae (Padua 1958) 7–18; Sancti Thomae de Aquino Opera omnia (Editio Leonina) XLVII (Rome 1969) 37^* ; Kaeppeli, T., Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum medii aevi II (Rome 1975) 76.Google Scholar

⁶ Kaeppeli, , ‘Der Dantegegner’ 108, 119.Google Scholar

⁷ Art. cit. 124.Google Scholar

⁸ Although in ms Venice Marciana lat. VI 13 this work is attributed simply to ‘Frater G.,’ there seems to be little doubt that it is Guido's.Google Scholar

⁹ In his ‘Studien über den Einfluss der aristotelischen Philosophic auf die mittelalterlichen Theorien über das Verhältnis von Kirche und Staat,’ Sb. Akad. München (1934) 76–100.Google Scholar

¹⁰ That he tackled moral science before turning to the libri naturales is evident from his prologue to the De anima: ‘Quia labor studii proveniens ex obscuritate et difficultate laborum et librorum frequenter retrahit plurimos ab hiis que naturaliter scire desiderant, volens hinc impedimento resistere et providere hiis qui maxime frequenter in aliis impediti libenter quantum possunt, scientiam amplectuntur, sententiam libri De anima Aristotelis per distinctiones et capitula divisam in hoc opere prosequar piano stilo, ut verborum obscuritate remota Veritas facilius possit intelligi, quod etiam, dante deo, a quo omnis scientia naturali, (de aliis libris faciam) sicut iam feci actenus de morali,’ quoted in Matteini, , Il più antico oppositore 21.Google Scholar

¹¹ Grabmann, , ‘Studien über den Einfluss’ 80.Google Scholar

¹² Eustratius' prologue in Mercken, H. P. F., ed., ‘Aristoteles over de menselijke volkomenheid,’ Verhandelingen van de K. Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België, Kl. der letteren Jg. 26 (1964) nr. 53 at 1. Guido knew this prologue, along with all the Greek commentaries on the Ethics, in the translation of Robert Grosseteste; see Dunbabin, J., ‘Robert Grosseteste as Translator, Transmitter and Commentator on the Nicomachean Ethics,’ Traditio 28 (1972) 460–72. Guido quotes several times from Eustratius in the course of his Sententia. Google Scholar

¹³ Latini, Brunetto, Li livres dou trésor (ed. Carmody, F. J.; Berkeley, Calif. 1948) 317: ‘Après ce ke mestre Brunés Latins ot complie la seconde partie de son livre, en quoi il demoustre assés bonement quex hom doit estre en moralités et comment il doit vivre honestement et governer soi et sa mesnie et ses choses selonc la science d'etike et de iconomike, dont il fist mention la u il devisa les membres de philosophic; et k'il ot dit quel chose derront la loi et gaste la cité, il li fu avis que tot çou estoit une oevre copee s'il ne desist de la tierce science, c'est politike, ke ensegne coment on doit governer la cité.’ Guido's familiarity with Brunetto Latini's encyclopaedia is suggested by his reference to Palladius (see below, p. 379).Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Sancti Thomae Opera XLVII 40^* .Google Scholar

¹⁵ Mercken, , ed., ‘Aristoteles over de menselijke volkomenheid’ 80–82.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Sed qualiter bonum dicatur secundum unam vel diversas rationes, nunc relinquendum est, quia per certitudinem determinare de hoc pertinet magis ad metaphysicam (fol. 4^v).Google Scholar

¹⁷ In mss Münster UB 124 and Vat. Ross. lat. 162; see Lohr, C. H., ‘Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries,’ Traditio 24 (1968) 192.Google Scholar

¹⁸ The Peter of Auvergne Aquinas commentary is edited by Spiazzi, R. M. under the title S. Thomae Aquinatis in libros Politicorum Aristotelis Expositio (Rome 1951); Albert's is in Borgnet, A., ed., Alberti Magni Opera omnia VIII (Paris 1891). Peter's Quaestiones are to be ms Paris B.N. lat. 16089 fols. 274^r–319^r. Guido follows Peter in discussing whether aristocrats are natural in the same way as domini (fol. 62^r), and whether the multitude should elect and correct a prince (fol. 90^v). But he may have known the questions in the rather different form contained in ms Milan Ambrosiana A 100 inf. On both sets of questions see Dunbabin, J., ‘Aristotle's Politics: Reception and Interpretation,’ in The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy (edd. Kretzmann, N., Kenny, A., Pinborg, J.; Cambridge 1982) 723–37 at 732–35.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Sicut igitur dicebatur quod aliqui sunt servi naturaliter et aliqui naturaliter liberi, ita et de nobilitate dicendum est quod aliqui sunt simpliciter nobiles et ingenui et aliqui secundum quid solum, ut qui sunt nobiles volunt tenere statum nobilium vel per violentiam, ut tyranni in Lombardia, vel propter divitiarum copiam vel propter nobilem parentelam (fol. 62^v).Google Scholar

²⁰ Et hoc hodie quantum ad primos conciliarios principis aliqualiter observatur in civitate Venetorum. Non enim simul omnes conciliarii transmutantur, sed aliqui de preteritis remanent cum futuris, ut qui de novo adveniunt melius de preteritis negotiis instruantur (fol. 82^r).Google Scholar

²¹ … sicut si institueretur vel institutus destrueretur aliquis particularis principatus. Qualis principatus est in politia Venetorum dominium noctis, unde et prepositi illi officio domini noctis vel de nocte dicuntur (fol. 109^v).Google Scholar

²² Est autem utile hoc exemplum non solum domibus sed etiam civitatibus, quibus necesse est acquirere pecunias etiam magis quam domibus quanto civitas pluribus indiget. Et propter hoc quidam studentes circa regimina civitatum ad hoc principaliter videntur intendere, ut per talem singularem venditionem multiplicent pecuniam in communi (fol. 67^r).Google Scholar

²³ Nam militia civitatis non est extraneis committenda. Milites enim potestatem habent conservandi et destruendi regnum et ordinem civitatum, et ideo melius est quod talis potentia committatur civibus qui diligunt civitatem (fol. 135^v).Google Scholar

²⁴ Aquinas chose to end his commentary after Book III 6, presumably because he thought the more practical books of less significance. And Walter Burley, who coped with them, pointed out that the historical background which Aristotle assumed in Books V and VI was not known to him. See Martin, C., ‘Some Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Politics,’ History 36 (1951) 29–44 at 38.Google Scholar

²⁵ See Kirshner, J., ‘Ars imitatur naturam: A consilium of Baldus on Naturalization in Florence,’ Viator 5 (1974) 289–331.Google Scholar

²⁶ Civitas optime disposita vilem artificem non facit civem, quia ei non tribuit officium consiliantis vel iudicantis ut civitas P. (?) Si autem omnimodo vult quod talis vilis artifex dicatur civis, tunc virtus civis quam supra posuimus, scilicet posse bene subici et bene principari, non convenit omni civi, quia non convenit tali artifici, etiam si sit liber, nisi forte tales artifices dimiserint ministeria suarum artium que sunt necessaria civitati (fol. 86^v).Google Scholar

²⁷ On this see Dunbabin, , ‘Aristotle's Politics’ 726–29.Google Scholar

²⁸ In democratiis autem, in quibus principatus est secundum legem, non oportet quod fiat talis populi congregatio, sed conveniunt aliqui optimi viri et excellentes et secundum legem positivam principantur (fol. 100^v).Google Scholar

²⁹ See Jones, P. J., The Malatesta of Rimini and the Papal State (Cambridge 1974) 60–64.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ullmann, , Medieval Foundations 146.Google Scholar

³¹ Baron, H., The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance (2nd ed.; Princeton 1966) 49, 58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³² Explaining why the Cretans had Spartan laws: Unde videmus quod nunc, scilicet tempore Aristotelis … (fol. 188^v).Google Scholar

³³ Uno modo natura dicitur ipsa rei subiecta, et hoc modo nullatenus est inter homines servitus a natura. Nam omnes homines in humana specie sunt equales. Subiecta enim non recipit magis et minus, ut dicitur in Predicamentis. Alio modo dicitur natura aliqua complexio vel dispositio corporalis, secundum quam communiter loquendo dicimus ‘iste homo est bone nature’ qui est bone complexionis, vel ‘male nature,’ si male complexionis, et hoc modo est inter homines principari et subici a natura (fol. 61^r).Google Scholar

³⁴ Vult ergo dominus salutem servi propter seipsum et non propter servum. Sed hoc videtur crudele dictum et contra naturalem amorem, qui debet esse inter homines, et contra doctrinam et pietatem Christiane religionis, que precipit et docet quod unusquisque proximum diligat sicut seipsum. Proximi autem nomine intelligitur omnis homo (fol. 87^v).Google Scholar

³⁵ Est considerandum tamen quod sicut dicitur in VIII Ethicorum servus in quantum servus habet rationem organi, et sic non est amicitia inter dominum (et ipsum) sicut nec ad alias res possessas. Potest tamen considerari ut homo est, et sic debet eum dominus diligere propter Deum et potest esse amicitia inter eos. Si autem consideretur servus in quantum homo, sic potest esse communicatio et amicitia inter dominum et servum. Nam bonus dominus non solum intendit commodum sui, sed etiam bonum et utilitatem servi (fol. 62^v).Google Scholar

³⁶ Errant ergo qui dicunt servos esse privatos ratione et per consequentem virtute, et quod domini solum precepto servos deberent dirigere in agendis; nam secundum veritatem magis movendi sunt servi ductu rationabili ad virtutem quam filii adhuc pueri existentes, eo quod multo minus sunt habiles intelligere veritatem (fol. 68^r-v).Google Scholar

³⁷ Videtur igitur quod philosophia admirabiles delectationes habet puritate et firmitate. Si autem super hec omnia addantur gratia divina, infuse virtutes et sancti spiritus dona secundum quod docet sapientia Christiana, vivant homines vita angelica non humana (fol. 79^r).Google Scholar

³⁸ Sed Christiana Veritas que altiora conspicit, dicit primos habitatores terre fuisse sapientes, providos et discretos; nam Deus, cuius opera sunt perfecta, primos parentes condidit in perfectione gratie virtutis et scientie (fols. 77^v–78^r).Google Scholar

³⁹ This was the chief import of the 1277 statute; cf. Denifle, H. and Chatelain, Æ., edd., Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis I (Paris 1899) 499–500.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Est autem considerandum quod locutio dicitur esse homini a natura propter duo, scilicet quia natura hominis in quantum est homo ad hoc naturaliter inclinatur et naturaliter loqui desiderat; et in quantum habet naturalia instrumenta apta naturaliter ad loquendum. Non autem habet instrumenta naturaliter, alioquin omnes homines naturaliter loquerentur unam linguam, etiam homo qui solus ab infantia cresceret, cuius contrarium clare patet (fol. 59^r).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Oresme, Maitre Nicole, Le livre de politiques d'Aristote (ed. Menut, A. D.; Transactions of the American Philosophical Society n.s. 60 [1970]) 291.Google Scholar

⁴² Sancti Thomae Opera XLVIII (Rome 1971) A 128.Google Scholar

⁴³ Lohr, , ‘Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries’ 192.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ ms Venice Marciana cl. V 16 (2653). I am grateful to Dr. Maurice Keen for pointing out the existence of this commentary to me.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ For the rediscovery, see Sancti Thomae Opera XLVIII A 53 n. 4. Lacombe, G., Aristoteles Latinus I (Rome 1939) 362 no. 265, describes the manuscript. I used a copy, British Library Photocopy R.P.60, to examine the marginal notes excerpted from Guido's commentary.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Skinner, , Foundations, I 51–53.Google Scholar