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155 Gesta Guillelmi Ducis, <e>ed. Foreville, R., Paris, 1952, pp. 144–145; as William subsequently states that ‘Normanni … propugnant Constantinopolim, ingerunt metum Babyloni,’ ibid., 228–229, it appears that the Empire's efforts at recruiting were successful.Google Scholar

156 A seal has been excavated from a late-eleventh or early-twelfth century house in Winchester: it belonged to John Raphael, commander of Varangian mercenaries in Byzantine southern Italy in 1046–7. It has been suggested that the seal is a sign of attempts by Raphael to recruit mercenaries from Anglo-Saxon England: Laurent, V., ‘Byzance et l'Angleterre au lendemain de la conquěte normande,’ Numismatic Circular, 71. No. 5 (May 1963) 93–96. See also von Falkenhausen, V., Untersuchungen über die byzantinische Herrschaft in süditalien vom 9 bis II Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden 1967) 92–93. (For these references, and for much sound advice, I am grateful to Mr. James Howard-Johnston). Further, an anonymous ‘Life’ of Edward the Confessor describes diplomatic contacts between England and the Empire: I hope before long to subject to detailed criticism Professor Barlow's dismissal of the ‘Life's’ account of a vision of Edward about Byzantium as fictitious; The Life of Edward the Confessor, <e>ed. Barlow, F. (London 1962) 66–71. Finally, for a general discussion of contact between England and Byzantium, see Lopez, R., ‘Le problème des relations Anglo-Byzantines du septième au dixième siècle,’ Byzantion, 18 (1948) esp. 156–162.ed. Barlow, F. (London 1962) 66–71. Finally, for a general discussion of contact between England and Byzantium, see Lopez, R., ‘Le problème des relations Anglo-Byzantines du septième au dixième siècle,’ Byzantion, 18 (1948) esp. 156–162.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=A+seal+has+been+excavated+from+a+late-eleventh+or+early-twelfth+century+house+in+Winchester:+it+belonged+to+John+Raphael,+commander+of+Varangian+mercenaries+in+Byzantine+southern+Italy+in+1046–7.+It+has+been+suggested+that+the+seal+is+a+sign+of+attempts+by+Raphael+to+recruit+mercenaries+from+Anglo-Saxon+England:+Laurent,+V.,+‘Byzance+et+l'Angleterre+au+lendemain+de+la+conquěte+normande,’+Numismatic+Circular,+71.+No.+5+(May+1963)+93–96.+See+also+von+Falkenhausen,+V.,+Untersuchungen+über+die+byzantinische+Herrschaft+in+süditalien+vom+9+bis+II+Jahrhundert+(Wiesbaden+1967)+92–93.+(For+these+references,+and+for+much+sound+advice,+I+am+grateful+to+Mr.+James+Howard-Johnston).+Further,+an+anonymous+‘Life’+of+Edward+the+Confessor+describes+diplomatic+contacts+between+England+and+the+Empire:+I+hope+before+long+to+subject+to+detailed+criticism+Professor+Barlow's+dismissal+of+the+‘Life's’+account+of+a+vision+of+Edward+about+Byzantium+as+fictitious;+The+Life+of+Edward+the+Confessor,+ed.+Barlow,+F.+(London+1962)+66–71.+Finally,+for+a+general+discussion+of+contact+between+England+and+Byzantium,+see+Lopez,+R.,+‘Le+problème+des+relations+Anglo-Byzantines+du+septième+au+dixième+siècle,’+Byzantion,+18+(1948)+esp.+156–162.>Google Scholar

157 Among them was an arm of St. John Chrysostom, which Ulfric presented to the abbey at Abingdon: Historia Monasterii de Abingdon, Rolls Series, <e>ed. Stevenson, J., vol. II (London, 1858) 46–47. It is perhaps worth noting that Ulfric was a native of Lincoln, in the Danelaw, which had been the scene of many of the risings against the Norman régime. The Danelaw may have been the homeland of some of the Varangians described as Danes in the Byzantine army in about 1100: see below, at n. 234.ed.+Stevenson,+J.,+vol.+II+(London,+1858)+46–47.+It+is+perhaps+worth+noting+that+Ulfric+was+a+native+of+Lincoln,+in+the+Danelaw,+which+had+been+the+scene+of+many+of+the+risings+against+the+Norman+régime.+The+Danelaw+may+have+been+the+homeland+of+some+of+the+Varangians+described+as+Danes+in+the+Byzantine+army+in+about+1100:+see+below,+at+n.+234.>Google Scholar

158 Later History of the Varangian Guard, Some notes, Journal of Roman Studies, 37 (1947). 42.Google Scholar

159 Saga Book of the Viking Society (University College, London 1953–1957) 14.249–272.Google Scholar

160 Ibid. 270–271.Google Scholar

161 Ibid. 259–260.Google Scholar

162 <e>Ed. Barlow, F., The Life of Edward the Confessor (London 1962) XXV-XXXIII.Ed.+Barlow,+F.,+The+Life+of+Edward+the+Confessor+(London+1962)+XXV-XXXIII.>Google Scholar

163 Rogers, , op. cit. 272.Google Scholar

164 Edwardsaga, Orkneyingers' saga, vol. 3; Translated by Dasent, G. W., Rolls Series, Appendix IV, 424–5.Google Scholar

165 For the historicity of these contacts, see Freeman, E., Norman Conquest , 2nd ed. (Oxford 1876) 4.135–136.Google Scholar

166 Edwardsaga, Orkneyingersaga, vol. 3, Appendix IV, 425–427. For what happened to the others, see below, n. 241.Google Scholar

167 Edwardsaga, Orkneyingersaga, vol. 3, Appendix IV, 426.Google Scholar

168 Edwardsaga, 426–427.Google Scholar

169 Alexiad, VIII, 3, (2.134).Google Scholar

170 ‘τὰ παϱὰ θάλατταν ἃπανϊα κατατϱέχοντος,’ Alexiad, VIII, 3, (2.134).Google Scholar

171 Tzachas planned and partly implemented an attack on Abydos, on the Dardanelles, some years later when his power was not what it had been in 1091, Alexiad, IX, 3, (2.165).Google Scholar

172 Alexiad, VIII, 3, (2.133).Google Scholar

173 Ibid. (2.136–144). The Polovtsy seem to have been sent for by Alexius: see V. Vasilievsky, G., Vizantiya i Pechenegi, Trudy , I (St. Petersburg 1908) 76, and n. I.Google Scholar

174 As Vasilievsky notes, Anna is very cursory in her treatment of this crisis, which was in some ways even graver than that of 1081: Vizantiya i Pechenegi, 73–74.Google Scholar

175 Not disheartened by ‘defeat by land and sea,’ he built up a new fleet in the spring of 1092, Alexiad, IX, I, (2.158).Google Scholar

176 Alexiad, VIII, 3, (2.134).Google Scholar

177 Siward Barn appears to have been ‘a member of the family of Northumbrian earls’: F. Scott, S., ‘Earl Waltheof of Northumbria’ Archaeologia Aeliana , 30 (1952) 172. See also Chibnall, M., op. cit. 2.194, n. 4.Google Scholar

178 Domesday Book, vol. 1 (London 1783) 168–169; see also the Rev. Taylor, C. S., The Domesday Survey of Gloucester (Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society 1890) 160.Google Scholar

179 Chronicle, Peterborough, in Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 208.Google Scholar

180 On Florence's value as a source for this period, see R. Darlington, R., Anglo-Norman historians , (London 1947) 13–15; F. Stenton, M., Anglo-Saxon England, 682.Google Scholar

181 Florence of Worcester, Chronicon, <e>ed. Thorpe, B., (Oxford 1849) 2.9, 20.ed.+Thorpe,+B.,+(Oxford+1849)+2.9,+20.>Google Scholar

182 Heimskringla, <e>transl. Magnusson, E. and Morris, W. (London 1895) 3.249–255.transl.+Magnusson,+E.+and+Morris,+W.+(London+1895)+3.249–255.>Google Scholar

183 H. Rogers, L., ‘Icelandic Life, 249’, 266.Google Scholar

184 According to Raymond of Aguilers, the fleet initially consisted of thirty ships, but by the end of the 1090s only nine or ten were left. Raymond states that the fleet reached Laodicea before the Crusaders, Historia Francorum, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Hist. Occidentaux, III, (Paris 1866) 290–291. Cf. the letter of the citizens of Lucca, in Hagenmeyer, H., Die Kreuzugsbriefe, (Innsbruck 1901) 165. Other English ships may have participated in the Crusades — for example, a fleet of ships from Flanders, Normandy and England ferried between Cyprus and the Holy Land: William of Tyre, Historia, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Hist. Occidentaux (Paris, 1844) 1. 310, 146.Google Scholar

185 Runciman, S., History of the Crusades (Harmondsworth 1965) 1.228, n. 1.Google Scholar

186 The English are said to have ‘turned into money all the estates that they had in England’ before leaving, Edwardsaga, Orkneyingers’ Saga, 3. Appendix IV, 426.Google Scholar

187 See above, at n. 155.Google Scholar

188 Temporary exile on the Continent was sometimes meted out by William I, for example in February 1067, Florence of Worcester, Chronicon, <e>ed. Thorpe, B. (Oxford 1849) 2.1.ed.+Thorpe,+B.+(Oxford+1849)+2.1.>Google Scholar

189 Alexiad, V, ch. 5, (2.23).Google Scholar

190 Zonaras, John, Epitome , III, <e>ed. T. Büttner-Wobst, (Bonn 1897) 763–764. By that time, the imperial bodyguard was regarded as consisting mainly of Englishmen, John Cinammus, Epitome, <e>ed. Meineke, A., (Bonn 1837) 8.ed.+T.+Büttner-Wobst,+(Bonn+1897)+763–764.+By+that+time,+the+imperial+bodyguard+was+regarded+as+consisting+mainly+of+Englishmen,+John+Cinammus,+Epitome,+ed.+Meineke,+A.,+(Bonn+1837)+8.>Google Scholar

191 Anna Comnena remarks that they were as keen on war as the Normans, ‘and by no means their inferiors.’ Alexiad, IV, 6, (1.160).Google Scholar

192 Alexiad, VII, 3, 2.97.Google Scholar

193 Alexiad, II, 9, (1.92); Historia ecclesiastica, 2.172–173; Chibnall, 2.202–205.Google Scholar

194 The Byzantines seem to have been well aware of the danger of mercenaries leaving the Empire's service because of inadequate pay. See the warning by the author of the Νουθετικός, etc., in Cecaumeni Strategicon et incerti scriptoris de officiis regiis libellus, <e>ed. Vasilievsky, V. and Jernstedt, V. (St. Petersburg 1896) 94. The Nouthetikos's author was, in fact, probably Cecaumenos writing between about 1075 and 1078; see Lemerle, P., ‘Prolégomènes à une édition critique et commentée des ‘Conseils et Récits” de Kècaumène,’ Académie royale de Belgique, Classe de Lettres 54 (1960) 5–8.ed. Vasilievsky, V. and Jernstedt, V. (St. Petersburg 1896) 94. The Nouthetikos's author was, in fact, probably Cecaumenos writing between about 1075 and 1078; see Lemerle, P., ‘Prolégomènes à une édition critique et commentée des ‘Conseils et Récits” de Kècaumène,’ Académie royale de Belgique, Classe de Lettres 54 (1960) 5–8.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=The+Byzantines+seem+to+have+been+well+aware+of+the+danger+of+mercenaries+leaving+the+Empire's+service+because+of+inadequate+pay.+See+the+warning+by+the+author+of+the+Νουθετικός,+etc.,+in+Cecaumeni+Strategicon+et+incerti+scriptoris+de+officiis+regiis+libellus,+ed.+Vasilievsky,+V.+and+Jernstedt,+V.+(St.+Petersburg+1896)+94.+The+Nouthetikos's+author+was,+in+fact,+probably+Cecaumenos+writing+between+about+1075+and+1078;+see+Lemerle,+P.,+‘Prolégomènes+à+une+édition+critique+et+commentée+des+‘Conseils+et+Récits”+de+Kècaumène,’+Académie+royale+de+Belgique,+Classe+de+Lettres+54+(1960)+5–8.>Google Scholar

195 And some of them successfully did so, e.g. Harold Hardraada, though significantly, the emperor tried to stop him, Cecaumenos, ibid, 97.Google Scholar

196 Anna Comnena states that, faced with the demands of mercenaries for higher pay, the government was forced to melt down Church plate: Alexiad, V, 2, 2.10–12.Google Scholar

197 It should, however, be noted that Russians continue to be listed first in the exemption-charters up to 1088, the date of the last known charter to contain such lists: Dölger, Regesten, No. 1147; Acta et Diplomata, <e>ed. Miklosich, F. and Müller, I. (Vienna 1890) 6.47.ed.+Miklosich,+F.+and+Müller,+I.+(Vienna+1890)+6.47.>Google Scholar

198 For this notion, see G. Vasilievsky, V., Varyago-Russkaya druzhina , 317, 354.Google Scholar

199 See De administrando imperio, ch. IX, <e>ed. Moravscik, G. and Jenkins, R., (Washington 1967) esp. 63, ‘There at last [Mesembria in Thrace] their voyage, fraught with such travail and terror, such difficulty and danger, is at an end.’ed.+Moravscik,+G.+and+Jenkins,+R.,+(Washington+1967)+esp.+63,+‘There+at+last+[Mesembria+in+Thrace]+their+voyage,+fraught+with+such+travail+and+terror,+such+difficulty+and+danger,+is+at+an+end.’>Google Scholar

200 <e>Ed. Adrianova, A.-Peretts and Likhachev, D., Moscow, 1950, vol. I, s.a. 1022, p. 99; s.a. 1024, p. 99; s.a. 1064, p. 110; s.a. 1079, p. 135; s.a. 1080, p. 135; s.a. 1081, p. 135; s.a 1083, p. 135; s.a. 1094, p. 148.Ed.+Adrianova,+A.-Peretts+and+Likhachev,+D.,+Moscow,+1950,+vol.+I,+s.a.+1022,+p.+99;+s.a.+1024,+p.+99;+s.a.+1064,+p.+110;+s.a.+1079,+p.+135;+s.a.+1080,+p.+135;+s.a.+1081,+p.+135;+s.a+1083,+p.+135;+s.a.+1094,+p.+148.>Google Scholar

201 Povest', s.a. 1082, Likhachev, 1.135.Google Scholar

202 Connected with this is, perhaps, the fact that no Russian officer achieved sufficient prominence or notoriety at Byzantium to have his name recorded in Byzantine sources. For the anonymity of the Russian mercenary leaders, compared to the Normans, see G. Vasilievsky, V., Varyago-Russkaya druzhina , 319.Google Scholar

203 Anna Comnena noted the irresistible impact of their heavy cavalry charge, Alexiad, V, 6 (2.28–29).Google Scholar

204 They were called ‘a people treacherous [ἄπιστον] by nature’ by Michael Attaleiotes, Historia, 125; Cf. ibid. 123–4; Skylitzes Continuatus in Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarum, <e>ed. Bekker, I. (Bonn 1839) 2.545–546; Cf. ibid. 679.ed.+Bekker,+I.+(Bonn+1839)+2.545–546;+Cf.+ibid.+679.>Google Scholar

205 Norman mercenaries seem from the first to have been engaged in quarrels with the Byzantine authorities over pay and the distribution of plunder: Amatus of Monte-Cassino, Storia de' Normanni, <e>ed. V. de Bartolomaeis, Fonti per la storia d'Italia (Rome 1935) 67–68; 72–73; 75–76; 79–82. Cf. Geoffrey-Malaterra, , De rebus gestis Rogerii Comitis, <e>ed. Pontieri, E., Raccolta degli storici Italiani, V, i. (Bologna 1927) 10–13. Anonymi Vaticani Historia Sicula, <e>ed. Muratori, L. A., Rerum Italicarum Sriptores, VIII (Milan 1726) cols. 747–750. Scandinavians also took part in this campaign, which was fought in Sicily under the command of George Maniaces. It is worth comparing the Norman sources with a Scandinavian account, preserved in the Heimksringla. Both sets of sources accuse the Greeks of cowardice and craftiness, but the Scandinavians, unlike the Normans, draw the line at mutiny. See Heimskringla, <e>transl. Magnusson, E. and Morris, W. (London 1895) 3.60–63.ed. V. de Bartolomaeis, Fonti per la storia d'Italia (Rome 1935) 67–68; 72–73; 75–76; 79–82. Cf. Geoffrey-Malaterra, , De rebus gestis Rogerii Comitis, ed. Pontieri, E., Raccolta degli storici Italiani, V, i. (Bologna 1927) 10–13. Anonymi Vaticani Historia Sicula, ed. Muratori, L. A., Rerum Italicarum Sriptores, VIII (Milan 1726) cols. 747–750. Scandinavians also took part in this campaign, which was fought in Sicily under the command of George Maniaces. It is worth comparing the Norman sources with a Scandinavian account, preserved in the Heimksringla. Both sets of sources accuse the Greeks of cowardice and craftiness, but the Scandinavians, unlike the Normans, draw the line at mutiny. See Heimskringla, transl. Magnusson, E. and Morris, W. (London 1895) 3.60–63.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Norman+mercenaries+seem+from+the+first+to+have+been+engaged+in+quarrels+with+the+Byzantine+authorities+over+pay+and+the+distribution+of+plunder:+Amatus+of+Monte-Cassino,+Storia+de'+Normanni,+ed.+V.+de+Bartolomaeis,+Fonti+per+la+storia+d'Italia+(Rome+1935)+67–68;+72–73;+75–76;+79–82.+Cf.+Geoffrey-Malaterra,+,+De+rebus+gestis+Rogerii+Comitis,+ed.+Pontieri,+E.,+Raccolta+degli+storici+Italiani,+V,+i.+(Bologna+1927)+10–13.+Anonymi+Vaticani+Historia+Sicula,+ed.+Muratori,+L.+A.,+Rerum+Italicarum+Sriptores,+VIII+(Milan+1726)+cols.+747–750.+Scandinavians+also+took+part+in+this+campaign,+which+was+fought+in+Sicily+under+the+command+of+George+Maniaces.+It+is+worth+comparing+the+Norman+sources+with+a+Scandinavian+account,+preserved+in+the+Heimksringla.+Both+sets+of+sources+accuse+the+Greeks+of+cowardice+and+craftiness,+but+the+Scandinavians,+unlike+the+Normans,+draw+the+line+at+mutiny.+See+Heimskringla,+transl.+Magnusson,+E.+and+Morris,+W.+(London+1895)+3.60–63.>Google Scholar

206 See de la Force, Marquis, “Les conseillers latins d'Alexis Comnène,” Byzantion II (1936) 157, 160–163. Cf. William of Grantemauil, who, about 1094, received an unfavorable judgment in a legal dispute over his lands in Sicily. He went with his wife to Byzantium, ‘ubi aliquantisper commoratus, tandem, cum multa pecunia rediens … terram quam amiserat …, recepit.’ Malaterra, Geoffrey, De rebus gestis, <e>ed. Muratori, 101. C f. Janin, R., ‘Les Francs au service des Byzantines,’ Echos d'Orient, 29 (1930) 68.ed. Muratori, 101. C f. Janin, R., ‘Les Francs au service des Byzantines,’ Echos d'Orient, 29 (1930) 68.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=See+de+la+Force,+Marquis,+“Les+conseillers+latins+d'Alexis+Comnène,”+Byzantion+II+(1936)+157,+160–163.+Cf.+William+of+Grantemauil,+who,+about+1094,+received+an+unfavorable+judgment+in+a+legal+dispute+over+his+lands+in+Sicily.+He+went+with+his+wife+to+Byzantium,+‘ubi+aliquantisper+commoratus,+tandem,+cum+multa+pecunia+rediens+…+terram+quam+amiserat+…,+recepit.’+Malaterra,+Geoffrey,+De+rebus+gestis,+ed.+Muratori,+101.+C+f.+Janin,+R.,+‘Les+Francs+au+service+des+Byzantines,’+Echos+d'Orient,+29+(1930)+68.>Google Scholar

207 For the British exiles ‘coherence,’ see infra at n. 234.Google Scholar

208 Cecaumenos approved of the granting of high titles to Harold Hardraada, who was of royal blood. Cecaumeni strategicon et incerti scriptoris de officiis regiis libellus, <e>ed. Vasilievsky, V. and Jernstedt, V. (St. Petersburg 1896) 97.ed.+Vasilievsky,+V.+and+Jernstedt,+V.+(St.+Petersburg+1896)+97.>Google Scholar

209 ‘Miracula Augustini S. Episcop. Cantuariensis’, Acta Sanctorum, Maii, 6.410. Its author, Joscelin, probably wrote this about 1094. See Barlow, F., Life of Edward the Confessor , 110.Google Scholar

210 See supra at n. 28.Google Scholar

211 Anna calls him ‘τὸν ἄϱχοντα Βαϱαγγίας’, Alexiad, VII, 3, (2.97).Google Scholar

212 ‘Nabites the Varangian,’ Classica et Mediaevalia 2.(1939) 147–150.Google Scholar

213 ‘Cum multis Optimatibus patriae profugis,’ Acta Sanctorum , Maii, 6, 410.Google Scholar

214 Historia Ecclesiastica, 3.169. Chibnall, 4.16–17.Google Scholar

215 The English fleet is said to have been headed by ‘three earls and eight barons,’ Edwardsaga, 425.Google Scholar

216 Paris, Matthew, Lexicon , quoted in Annotationes to Cedrenus' Compendium, 2.885. I have been unable to find the original reference to this.Google Scholar

217 That groups of exiles came from a common district is indicated by Joseph the Monk's recognition of his old friends together at Constantinople: presumably they were all from the district of Canterbury: see Infra at n. 237.Google Scholar

218 It is perhaps worth noting that above an icon of St. Augustine on the church's south side was an inscription in Greek, ‘Agios Augustinus, Anglorum Apostolus,’ and that Greeks went into the church of the English, including an irreverent matron who noticed that Augustine's right eye in the icon had suffered from damp, ‘Miracula Augustini, S. Episcopi Cantuariensis,’ in Acta Sanctorum, Mai, 6.410. On the church, see Janin, R., ‘Le siège de Constantinople et le Patriarchat oecuménique: les églises et les monastères,’ La géographie ecclésiastique de l'Empire byzantin I. 3. (Paris 1953) 591.Google Scholar

219 ‘Sancti Augustini, Miracula,’ Acta Sanctorum, 410.Google Scholar

220 Hohlweg, A., Beiträge zur Verwaltungsgeschichte des Oströmischen Reiches unter den Komnenen (Munich 1965) 51, 5257.Google Scholar

221 Hohlweg, A., Ibid. 61–62.Google Scholar

222 Attaleiotes, Michael, Historia , 295.Google Scholar

223 Zonaras, John, Epitome , 3.763.Google Scholar

224 It is, therefore, only in specific instances, such as the events around 1081, that ‘Varangians’ becomes virtually co-terminous with Anglo-Saxons: see supra, at n. 56.Google Scholar

225 The lack of saga evidence for that period may be accidental, because of the loss of material, or it may result from the lack of fit subject-matter, such as journeys to Byzantium, during that period. See Riant, P., Scandinaves en terre sainte , 125. At the beginning of the twelfth century, King Sigurd of Norway was urged to lead a band to the Holy Land by way of Constantinople, where ‘it was said … that Northmen got any wealth they would to bless them withal, they who would go into warwage.’ Pressure on Sigurd arose because there ‘came back from Jerusalemland, and some from Micklegarth, those men who had fared out with Skopti Ogmundson.’ Heimskringla, <e>transl. by Magnusson, E. and Morris, W., 3.247–248. For the reliability of Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla as a source, see de Vries, J., Altnordische Literaturgeschichte , 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1967) 2.293–295. This reference to Jerusalem pilgrimages is a reminder of the role which Jerusalem played in attracting potential recruits to the Byzantine Empire's sphere of influence. There may be a connection between the apparent decline in the number of Scandinavians entering the Empire's service in the late 1070s and 1080s and the difficulties that beset pilgrims to Palestine at about that time. See Runciman, S., History of the Crusades, 1.49, 75–76.Google Scholar

226 Liber Christianae Expeditionis pro ereptione, emundatione et restitutione sanctae Hierosolymitanae ecclesiae, PL 166.503.Google Scholar

227 Grammaticus, Saxo, Gesta Danorum (Copenhagen 1931) 1.338.Google Scholar

228 Ibid. 338.Google Scholar

229 Our knowledge of the form and terms of contracts made between Scandinavian recruits and the imperial authorities is minimal. It is, perhaps, worth noting that in Russia, about 1018, Eymund, the leader of a band of six hundred Scandinavians, renewed his contract with prince Yaroslav annually. See Eymundarsaga, , ‘Antiquités Russes,’ II, Société royale des antiquaires du nord (Copenhagen 1852) 182, 188, 202.Google Scholar

230 Grammaticus, Saxo, Gesta , 1.338.Google Scholar

231 It is true that their ancestral ruler, Edgar the Atheling, visited Constantinople on his way to Palestine in 1098. But Alexius cannot have regarded him as a serious threat, and Edgar seems to have left Constantinople almost at once, to sail to the Holy Land. See Runciman, S., History of the Crusades , 1.227–228.Google Scholar

232 But the Scandinavians, too, had a church in Constantinople, dedicated to St. Olaf; see Riant, P., Scandinaves en terre sainte , 122.Google Scholar

233 The ‘vir honorificus’ described by Joscelin married a Byzantine lady, ‘well-born and rich’ and they lived in a house in a wealthy part of the city. Miracula Augustini, S., 410.Google Scholar

234 ‘Ipsi ac heredes eorum sacro imperio fideliter famulati sunt.’ Ord. Vit., Historia, 2.172; Chibnall, 2.202–205; Cf. Joscelin, , Miracula Augustini, S., 410–11: in Joscelin's last paragraph he implies that the emperor himself was impressed by the miracle which St. Augustine is described as having performed at Constantinople.Google Scholar

235 ‘An English monk at Constantinople, C. 1090,’ published by Haskins, C. in English Historical Review 25 (1910) 293–295. Haskins states that the text breaks off abruptly at the foot of the page; this I can confirm from personal examination of the lectionary in the Vatican Library, Greek Mss. No. 4951. (See Ehrensburger, H., Libri Liturgici Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae (Freiburg 1897) Chapter VI No. 29, p. 150) A number of loose leaves were bound into the lectionary, but the leaf completing the text is not one of them.Google Scholar

236 English pilgrimages were not in one direction only: Joscelin states that the ‘vir honorificus’ who settled at Constantinople spent fourteen months away from his new home on a pilgrimage to Rome and St. James of Compostella; Miracula, 410–11.Google Scholar

237 The English Varangians were not the first hereditary corps of soldiers in the imperial army. The Maniaketes, who appear from time to time in sources for the later eleventh century, were descendants of Frankish mercenaries who had served under Maniaces in the 1030s and early 1040s. But note that they were stationed in Illyria, and not as imperial guards in the capital. See Janin, R., ‘Les Francs au service des byzantins,’ Echos d'orient , 29 (1930) 69.Google Scholar

238 See above n. 65.Google Scholar

239 Chronographia, <e>ed. Renauld, E. (Paris 1928) 2.165.ed.+Renauld,+E.+(Paris+1928)+2.165.>Google Scholar

240 Commentarii, <e>ed. Meineke, A. (Bonn 1836) 45; see G. Vasilievsky, V., Varyago-Russkaya i varyago-angliiskaya druzhina, 342.ed.+Meineke,+A.+(Bonn+1836)+45;+see+G.+Vasilievsky,+V.,+Varyago-Russkaya+i+varyago-angliiskaya+druzhina,+342.>Google Scholar

241 There may well be truth in the concluding section of the Edwardsaga. This tells how a number of the English who went with Sigurd, together with Sigurd himself, reconquered on behalf of the emperor a territory to the north of Constantinople ‘six days and nights’ sail across the sea in the east and north- east of Micklegarth.’ They are said to have settled in this newly conquered land. The role of the English is probably much exaggerated by the saga, but the date and area which it seems to indicate coincide with evidence from other sources that the Byzantines recovered their influence in the region of the Sea of Azov at about the end of the eleventh century. The saga's evidence is corroborated by toponomy and by later travellers' accounts, as I hope to suggest in an article to be entitled ‘Another New England?’ In the meanwhile, see V. Soloviev, A., ‘Domination byzantine ou russe au nord de la mer noire à l'époque des Comnènes?’ Akten des XI Internationalen Byzantinistenkongresses, (Munich 1960) 569–580, passim; G. Litavrin, G., ‘A propos de Tmutorokan,’ Byzantion 25 (1965) 221–234, passim.Google Scholar