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Count Gerald of Aurillac and Feudalism in South Central France in the Early Tenth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 August 2017

Archibald R. Lewis*
Affiliation:
University of Texas

Extract

An important source, available to the historian, which helps explain the nature of the society of South Central France in the late ninth and early tenth century is the Life of St. Gerald of Aurillac, written by Abbot Odo of Cluny. It is important for a number of reasons. In the first place, it was written during a period when French royal capitularies reflect a kingly authority restricted to an area north of the Loire and thus are unable to throw much light on conditions in the Midi. In the second place, when it was composed local narrative chronicles seem no longer to have been written south of the Loire, while those still being penned north of it, like Flodoard's Annals, seem to contain little information concerning this part of France. In short, the Life of St. Gerald of Aurillac fills an important gap in our information between the narrative found in the Annales Bertiniani, composed by Hincmar of Rheims, who seems well informed on events taking place in the Midi, and that found in the early eleventh-century chronicle of Ademar of Chabannes.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 The best edition of this life is in PL 133, entitled De vita sancti Geraldi Auriliacensis Comitis (hereafter called VG in this paper). Another excellent edition with notes is found in Bouange, G. M. F., Histoire de l'Abbaye d'Aurillac, précédée de la vie de Saint Gérard, I (Paris 1899). An English translation is to be found in St. Odo of Cluny , ed. and trans. by Sitwell, G. (New York 1958). This translation, however, is not always accurate and should be used with some caution.Google Scholar

2 See comments on this situation in Ganshof, F. M., Feudalism, 2nd ed., trans. by Grierson, P., (New York 1961) 68.Google Scholar

3 Mabillon, Acta SS. Ord. Bened. saec. v, 6 and 124 in PL 133. 11, 34, 703, 708.Google Scholar

4 VG Praefatio 640–42.Google Scholar

5 Ganshof, , op. cit. 5859.Google Scholar

6 Hoyt, Robert S., Feudal Institutions (New York 1961), 3132.Google Scholar

7 Ganshof, , op. cit. 59-60.Google Scholar

8 VG I 32, 660–61.Google Scholar

9 Ganshof, , op. cit. 59.Google Scholar

10 VG I 1, 641.Google Scholar

11 Ibid. I, 41, 667 and II 12, 677. These lands were contiguous enough so that he could always stop at his own manor houses, called capella, when he journeyed through his domains.Google Scholar

12 Ibid. II 25, 685. Odo says these lands were in the territory of Quercy, Auvergne, and the Albigeois. From plotting them on a map it seems wise to add Rouergue too. Ibid., I 1, 641.Google Scholar

13 Ibid. I, 41, 667.Google Scholar

14 Ibid. I, 28, 659.Google Scholar

15 Gerald's castle of Aurillac is mentioned several times. Ibid. I 36, 38-39, 663-665. It seems to have been the only fortification that he possessed throughout his extensive domains. Evidently the building of numerous castles in this part of the Midi came later than this period.Google Scholar

16 Ibid. I 1, 643 and III 4, 691.Google Scholar

17 See Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Beaulieu, (ed., Deloche, M., Paris 1859), nos. 18, 19, 112, 186, 3, 46, 17, 55, 155, 94, 60, 72, and 28; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Conques en Rouergue , (ed., Desjardins, A., Paris 1879) no. 6; Histoire Générale de Languedoc, Privat ed. (Toulouse 1879), II, nos. 160 and 164; Cartulaire de Brioude , (ed. Clermont-Ferrand, Doniol 1869) nos. 315 and 318 and Cartulaire de Sauxillanges , ed., Doniol, H., (Clermont 1864) nos. 13 and 428.Google Scholar

18 ‘Siquidem constat eum quae a parentibus vel regibus ei collata sunt,’ VG, II, 34, 689.Google Scholar

19 Ibid. I 1, 643.Google Scholar

20 Ibid. I 6, 645.Google Scholar

21 Ibid. II 12, 677.Google Scholar

22 Ibid. I 19, 654.Google Scholar

23 Ibid. I 9, 648.Google Scholar

24 Ibid. II 2, 670.Google Scholar

25 Ibid. II 4, 672–73.Google Scholar

26 Ibid. Google Scholar

27 This will which Mabillon found in a chronicle of Aurillac is entirely in agreement with what Odo of Cluny says Gerald did with his property. We have thus no reason not to accept it as authentic.Google Scholar

28 VG II 672–73.Google Scholar

29 These charters are found in the Cartulaire de Brioude and the Cartulaire de Sauxillanges previously cited and Le Grand Cartulaire de Saint-Julien de Brioude, (ed. Marie, Anne and Boudot, Marcel St. Etienne, 1935), Cartulaire de l'abbaye de St. Chaffre du Monastir , (ed. Chevalier, U., Paris 1884), and Chartes de Cluny (ed. Bernard, A. et Bruel, A.) I-II (Paris 1776-93).Google Scholar

30 These charters are from the Cartulaire de Beaulieu, previously cited, and the Cartulaires des abbayes de Tulle et de Roc-Amador, (ed., Champéval, J. in Bulletin de la société historique et archéologique de la Corréze , 418 [1887-1902]), the Cartulaire de l'abbaye d'Uzerche , ed. Champéval, J., (Tulle 1901), and the Cartulaire de l'église de Saint-Étienne de Limoges , (ed., de Font-Reaullx, J., in Bulletin de la société archéologique et historique du Limousin 69 [1922]).Google Scholar

31 These charters are found in the Cartulaire de Conques and Histoire Générale de Languedec, II, previously cited.Google Scholar

32 VG I 32, 661.Google Scholar

33 See Hist. Gén. de Lang. II, nos. 84 and 132.Google Scholar

34 Ganshof, op. cit. 39.Google Scholar

35 See such a grant by Louis the Pious as early as 833 to one of his fideles who lived in the Toulousain in Hist. Gen. de Lang. II no. 81. See also the capitulary of Charles the Bald in 845 in which he states that by necessity he is giving out land from his fisc to gain supporters ‘in beneficiario jure aut in allode.’ Capitularia de Beauvais, anno 845 c. 20 in Capitularia, II 403.Google Scholar

36 Cartulaire de St. Étienne de Limoges, no. 84. The royal charter does give this as a benefice for two lifetimes, however.Google Scholar

37 Cartulaire de Beaulieu, no. 71.Google Scholar

38 Ibid. no. 55. This property, it is interesting to note, even included a castle.Google Scholar

39 Cartulaire de Sauxillanges, no. 13. This charter is of particular relevance to the homage and connection of Rainald, Gerald's heir, with the House of Auvergne which we have mentioned earlier. In it we find no mention of Rainald as one of Accfred's fideles and no mention of any of Gerald's villas, including Talizat, as part of Accfred's comital fisc. Rainald's homage to Duke William, then, upon which Ganshof places such emphasis, seems to have had little long-range importance.Google Scholar

40 ‘Sed ille favore comitis nuper usurpato,’ VG I 32, 661.Google Scholar

41 Ibid. I 27, 658 and II 17, 680. The frequent use of the term Count in Sitwell's English translation is an inaccurate rendering of the original text.Google Scholar

42 Ibid. I 13, 651 and I 24, 657.Google Scholar

43 The term princeps was not a Carolingian one but an older title found in the Midi before its conquest by Charles Martel, Pepin, and Charlemagne. It began to be revived as Carolingian royal power ended in the late ninth century. See reference to Count Geilin of the Dauphiny region as a princeps in 937. Hist. Gén. de Lang, II no. 20, and to the members of the house of Toulouse-Rouergue as princeps in 924 and 941. Ibid. no. 50 and Cart. de Brioude, no. 338. For use of the title princeps by the Counts of Barcelona in 947 see Marca Hispanica, ap. 84. The earliest proof of revival of this title seems to come from a charter of 879, local in nature, which refers to Bernard, , princeps Gothorum (undoubtedly Bernard of Gothia) and a princeps Urso (perhaps a Count of Provence). Hist. Gén. de Lang., V no. 1. Thus we see the use of this title for Gerald makes it clear he was no minor noble, but a great lord of the Midi.Google Scholar

44 Mabillon, Acta. SS. Ord. S. Bened. saec. v, p. 6 in VG 605-06.Google Scholar

45 VG I 3639, 663-66.Google Scholar

46 Cartulaire de Beaulieu, nos. 186 and 3.Google Scholar

47 Ibid. no. 46.Google Scholar

48 VG I 37, 664–65.Google Scholar

49 Cartulaire de Beaulieu, no. 169. Perhaps he is also mentioned in a charter of 898. Ibid. no. 29.Google Scholar

50 Our first mention of Gauzfred occurs in 878. Ibid. no. 46.Google Scholar

51 Cartulaire de Tulle, no. 276.Google Scholar

52 Cartulaire de Beaulieu, no. 132.Google Scholar

53 Ibid. no. 29.Google Scholar

54 VG I 3536, 38-39, 663-69. Count Ademar, according to Odo, even attempted in vain to get Gerald to accept him as his overlord.Google Scholar

55 Cartulaire de Tulle, no. 12.Google Scholar

56 Ibid. nos. 14 and 229. This is about the time we find Robert of the rival house of Turenne called Count. Cartulaire de Beaulieu, no. 132.Google Scholar

57 Cart. de Tulle, no. 598.Google Scholar

58 See notes 45, 48, and 54 for references.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

59 VG I 32, 660–61.Google Scholar

60 He even says that in his youth Bernard Plantevelue had been a vassal of Gerald's, . ‘Pater suus Bernardus ipsum adhuc adolescentem eidem domno Geraldo amoris causa commendavit.’ Ibid. I 32, 661.Google Scholar

61 See a charter of 882 which shows Bernard Plantevelue active in Rouergue and giving land to the Abbey of Conques. Cartulaire de Conques, no. 153.Google Scholar

62 VG I 41, 667. ‘De hoc (Talizat) officiales permiserunt invito et nolenti, quatenus illud cuidam Bernardo ad custodiendum commendaret.’ Google Scholar

63 Cartulaire de Brioude, nos. 98 and 165 shows Duke William as the new lay abbot of this abbey.Google Scholar

64 VG I 32, 661.Google Scholar

65 Ibid. I 34, 662.Google Scholar

66 ‘Nepotem tamen suum nomine Rainaldum eidem cum ingenti militum numero commendavit.’ Ibid. I 32, 661.Google Scholar

67 Ibid. I 33, 662.Google Scholar

68 ‘Raimundum noveratis comitem, filium videlicet Odonis. Hic nepotem domni Geraldi nomine Benedictum, Tolosae videlicet vicecomitem dolo captum tenebat.’ Ibid. II 28, 685.Google Scholar

69 During the delicate negotiations which took place to get Benedict released, Odo tells us that Rainald, Benedict's brother, the same man who had done homage to Duke William of Aquitaine, took his brother's place as a prisoner of Count Raymond of Toulouse. Ibid. II 28, 686.Google Scholar

70 On the parley and agreement between Count Raymond and Gerald, see ibid. II 29, 686. On the close connection between Gerald's newly founded monastery of Aurillac and Vabres, the special preserve of the Counts of Toulouse-Rouergue, see ibid. II 6, 674.Google Scholar

71 There is a reference to Gerald entertaining Marquises. Ibid. I 16, 653. This probably refers to both the Duke of Acquitaine and the Count of Toulouse.Google Scholar

72 Ibid. I 41, 667.Google Scholar

73 Adrald is simply called one of Gerald's comitatus in one place during his lifetime. Ibid. II 31, 687. After his death when Odo tells us he attacked the abbey of Aurillac he is called a vassus. Ibid. IV 7. 700.Google Scholar

74 Gerald's will says, ‘Marconi manso, quem Adoaldi emi, dum vivit, teneat.’ See Note 102. Ibid. II 672.Google Scholar

75 Ibid. I 17. 654.Google Scholar

76 See the mention of an unruly vassus of Bishop Stodile of Limoges in a charter dating from 851. Cartulaire de Saint-Etienne de Limoges, no. 3. Or the mention of a certain Daniel whom a charter of 884 from the Limousin shows was a vassal of two lords. Ibid. no. 5.Google Scholar

77 They seem to have also administered his system of poor relief on his estates. VG I 14. 652.Google Scholar

78 Ibid. I 19. 655.Google Scholar

79 Ibid. II 2, 670.Google Scholar

80 Odo mentions that that portion of his lands (praedia vel mancipia) which he did not give to the Pope he divided between his relatives, milites, and servants (inter quosdam propinquos ac milites vel certe servatoribus dimisit). Ibid. III 4. 691. Thus we see a distinction between Gerald's milites and his officials or administrators.Google Scholar

81 This charter dates from 971. Cartulaire de Beaulieu, no. 50.Google Scholar

82 VG III 689.Google Scholar

83 Ibid. I 21. 656.Google Scholar

84 Ibid. I 12. 651.Google Scholar

85 Ibid. I 6. 646 and I 11. 649.Google Scholar

86 See the excellent account of vassalage and its generally low social status in Merovingian times in Ganshof, , op. cit. 3-12.Google Scholar

87 See charter of 924 which tells how Vikings had destroyed the abbey of Solignac in the nearby Limousin, . Cartulaire d'Uzerche, no. 1306.Google Scholar

88 VG I 39, 666.Google Scholar

89 Cartulaire de Beaulieu, nos. 24 and 76.Google Scholar

90 VG I 18. 654.Google Scholar

91 Ibid. I 20. 655.Google Scholar

92 Ibid. I 40. 666.Google Scholar

93 Ibid. I 7. 646.Google Scholar

94 Ibid. I 32. 660.Google Scholar

95 Ibid. I 37. 664–65.Google Scholar

96 Ibid. I 3536. 38-39, 663-69.Google Scholar

97 Ibid. I 4-5. 645.Google Scholar

98 See for instance charters in Cartulaire de Brioude, nos. 282, 43, 56, 119, 311, 271, 13, 225, 60, 102, 126, 208, 227, 277, 85, 19; in Cartulaire de Beaulieu, nos. 56, 38, 132, and Cartulaire de Tulle, no. 229; in Cartulaire de Conques, nos. 357, 124, 230, 391, 6, 208, and 91.Google Scholar

99 ‘… milites ejus qui sub illius fidelitate pugnaverunt.’ VG I 8. 647.Google Scholar

100 Ibid. I 33. 662.Google Scholar

101 See mention of 100 solidi he gave in compensation to an innocent man whose eyes were put out by his milites. Ibid. I 18. 654. Orthe immense sums he spent on relics. Ibid. III 3. 691.Google Scholar

102 See mention of these milites as inhabiting the castle itself in Ibid. I 39. 665.Google Scholar

103 Among many accounts of his milites accompanying him into battle see Ibid. I 8. 647; Ibid. I 33. 661; Ibid. I 35. 663; Ibid. I 40. 666.Google Scholar

104 For references to his milites accompanying him on his journeys to Rome, see Ibid. I 31. 660.Google Scholar

105 See milites of Count of Turenne in Ibid. I 37. 665, and those of Counts of Tulle in Ibid. I 36. 654 and Ibid. I 38-39. 665.Google Scholar

106 A charter of 935 of King Raoul mentions milites of the Castle of Uxelladuno who are going outside the walls of this fortress and oppressing loca monarchia. Cartulaire de Tulle, no. 598.Google Scholar

107 Indeed one needs to wait until after 975 in this part of France before the term miles begins to mean knight with all this implies.Google Scholar

108 Cartulaire de St. Étienne de Limoges, no. 3.Google Scholar

109 Cartulaire de Tulle, no. 276.Google Scholar

110 ‘Ille necesse habebat ad quoddam placitum ex condictu venire, quo scilicet nobiles quidam visi conventuri erant.’ VG I 11. 649–50.Google Scholar

111 Ibid. I 17. 654.Google Scholar

112 Ibid. Google Scholar

113 Ibid. I 19. 655.Google Scholar

114 Ibid. I 20. 655.Google Scholar

115 See, for instance, how large aprisio holders, who were of Spanish origin, were allowed to hold courts and judge their men in accordance with their own Visigothic law in 815 by the express Capitulary of Charlemagne. de Abadal y de Vinyals, R., Catalunya Carolingia. Els Diplomas Carolingis a Catalunya, 2 vols. (Barcelona 1926-52) 336. See also the reference to such seigneurial justice in a capitulary of Charles the Bald dating from 847. Capitulary of Mersen, c. 4 in Capitularia, II 71.Google Scholar

116 See record of a court held in Rouergue in 934. Cartulaire de Conques, no. 155 and another held in the Limousin in 960. Cartulaire de Beaulieu, no. 47.Google Scholar

117 VG II 4. 672–73.Google Scholar

118 Ibid. II 6. 674.Google Scholar

119 See Histoire Générale de Languedoc, II nos. 160 and 203.Google Scholar

120 Cartulaire de Beaulieu, nos. 33, 19, 21, 1, 3 and 4.Google Scholar

121 On foundation of abbey of Tulle by Ademar see, Cartulaire de Tulle, no. 290.Google Scholar

122 Gerald's will states as follows, ‘Rainaldus nepos meus habeat potestatem de hoc supra nominato monasterio ad abbates mittendi, tollendi sint, etc.’ VG II 672. Obviously he tried to enforce these rights later on and caused trouble. Ibid. IV 11. 702.Google Scholar

123 Cartulaire de Brioude, nos. 98, 165, and 208 show Duke William as lay abbot of Brioude.Google Scholar

124 Cartulaire de Sauxillanges, no. 146.Google Scholar

125 VG II 4, 672–73.Google Scholar

126 This certainly antedates Cluny's close connection with the Papacy, if only by a few years.Google Scholar

127 See early charters of the Cartulaire de St. Barnard des Romans, ed., Chevalier, U., (Romans 1898), which show this close connection with the Papal See.Google Scholar