¹ Some recent general discussions can be found in Goppelt, L., Typos: typologische Deutung des Alien Testaments im Neuen (Gütersloh 1943); Daniélou, Jean, The Bible and the Liturgy (Notre Dame, Ind. 1956); From Shadows to Reality: Studies in the Biblical Typology of the Fathers , tr. Hibberd, Wulstan (London 1969); de Lubac, Henri, Exégèse médiévale 4 vols. (Paris 1959–64); Auerbach, Erich, ‘Figura’ in Scenes from the Drama of European Literature, tr. Ralph Manheim (New York 1959) 11–76; Harris, Victor, ‘Allegory to Analogy in the Interpretation of Scriptures during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance,’ Philological Quarterly 45 (1966) 1–23; Madsen, William, From Shadowy Types to Truth (New Haven 1968); Miner, Earl Roy, ed., Literary Uses of Typology (Princeton 1977); and the annotated bibliography in Bercovitch, Sacvan, ed., Typology and Early American Literature (Amherst, Mass. 1972) 259–70.Google Scholar

² The most useful studies of the Biblia pauperum are those of Cornell, Henrik, Biblia pauperum (Stockholm 1925); Schmidt, Gerhard, Die Armenbibeln des XIV. Jahrhunderts (Graz–Cologne 1959); Werkworth, Alfred, ‘Die Zweckbestimmung der Armenbibel und die Bedeutung ihres Namens,’ Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 4 (1957) 256–57; Beckmann, Josef Hermann and Schroth, I., edd., Deutsche Bilderbibel aus dem späten Mittelalter (Constance 1960); Frantz Unterkircher and Gerhard Schmidt, edd., Die Wiener Biblia pauperum Codex Vindobonensis 1198 3 vols. (Graz–Vienna–Cologne 1962); and Soltész, Elizabeth, ed., Biblia pauperum: The Estergom Blockbook of Forty Leaves (Budapest 1967) v–vi. The influence of Nicholas of Verdun is discussed by Röhrig, Floridus, Der Verduner Altar (Vienna 1955), and Buschhausen, H., Der Verduner Altar (Vienna 1980).Google Scholar

³ See Rode, Herbert, Die mittelalterlichen Glasmalereien des Kölner Domes (Corpus vitrearum Medii Aevi 4.1; Berlin 1974) 55, and for the influence of the Biblia pauperum and similar works on window painting, Haussherr, R., ‘Der typologische Zyklus der Chorfenster der Oberkirche von S. Francesco zu Assisi,’ in Kunst als Bedeutungsträger: Gedankschrift für Günter Bandmann (Berlin 1978) 95–128.Google Scholar

⁴ See Walchegger, J. E., Der Kreuzgang am Dom zu Brixen (Brixen 1895). Dr. Nona C. Flores is engaged in a study of these paintings.Google Scholar

⁵ See Banning, Knud, ed., A Catalogue of Wall-Paintings in the Churches of Medieval Denmark, 1100–1600 (Copenhagen 1976–82) 4 vols., and Mills, James A., ‘Danish Church Wall–Paintings 1150–1600 a.d.,’ a 300-slide collection available from Films for Educators, 630 Ninth Avenue, New York, N. Y. Google Scholar

⁶ See on this painter Cornell, Henrik and Wallin, Sigurd, Albertus Pictor, Sten Stures och Jacob Ulvssons målare (Stockholm 1972); Lundberg, Erick, Albertus Pictor (Sveriges Allmänna Konstförenings publikation 80; Stockholm 1961) and Geijer, Agnes, Albertus Pictor, Målere och Pärlstickare (Stockholm 1949) 17–20. Albertus was active in Stockholm or had a workshop there. He was also a broker for the importation of German triptichs and did embroidery of ecclesiastical vestments with pearls.Google Scholar

⁷ In his rhythmical abridgment of the Cena Cypriani, a 5th-century manual of religious instruction, the Carolingian poet John the Deacon refers to the prophet as ‘nudus’ or ‘calvus’ four times. Once attributed to St. Cyprian, the Cena describes a royal banquet to which King Joel invites guests drawn from both Testaments. Each has enigmatic attributes assigned him, such as, in Jonah's case, baldness. Now known to be a witty exercise by a French novice master or singing master of the early 5th century designed to initiate young men into Bible history, the work has been edited, along with John the Deacon's version, by Strecker, C. in Poetae Latini aevi Carolini (MGH SS 4.2; Berlin 1923). A study by Witty, Francis J., ‘The Cena Cypriani with Introduction, Translation and Commentary’ (unpublished Master's thesis, Catholic University of America 1955), summarizes earlier scholarship. An important article by Wilmart, Andre, ‘Le Prologue d'Hervé de Bourgdieu pour son commentaire de la Cena Cypriani,’ Revue Benedictine 35 (1923) 255–63, places Hervé's commentary on the work (see below, n. 34) in perspective.Google Scholar

⁸ See Cornell, Henrik and Wallin, Sigurd, Sengotisktmonumentalmåleri i Sverige: Härkeberga kyrkas målningar (Uppsala 1971), and Lundberg, , Albertus Pictor 19–22, 64–106, for discussion of Härkeberga Church.Google Scholar

⁹ See on this ms Unterkircher, et al., edd., Die Wiener Biblia Vol. I, and Schmidt, , Die Armenbibeln 10–11.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See generally on this subject Banning, Knud, ‘Biblia pauperum and the Church Wall,’ in Anderson, Flemming G. et al., edd., Medieval Iconography and Narrative: A Symposium (Odense 1980) 124–34.Google Scholar

¹¹ See Blumenkranz, Bernhard, Le Juif médiéval au miroir de l'art Chrétien (Paris 1966), esp. 79–104.Google Scholar

¹² See Zafran, Eric M., ‘The Iconography of Antisemitism’ (unpublished diss., New York University 1973) 21 and Blumenkranz, pp. 28–34. Mellinkoff, Ruth, The Horned Moses in Medieval Art and Thought (Berkeley 1970) fig. 123 and p. 130, publishes an interesting caricature of an actual 13th-century Jew, Mosse-Mokke, who wears a conical hat and has a grotesque nose. For the somewhat more rounded type of hat worn by some of the sailors, see Mellinkoff, , ‘The Round, Cap-Shaped Hats Depicted on Jews in BM Cotton Claudius B.iv,’ Anglo-Saxon England 2 (1973) 155–63.Google Scholar

¹³ This ms is discussed by Schmidt, , Die Armenbibeln 18. See also the miniature for the incipit of the book of Jonah in the Souvigny or Moulins Bible (ca. 1180) in Cahn, Walter, Romanesque Bible Illumination (Ithaca, N.Y. 1982) 273, where the larger sailor in the rear, rowing, wears a bowl-shaped Jew's hat.Google Scholar

¹⁴ It should also be noted that Uwe Steffen attempted to explain Jonah's baldness by linking him with both Heracles, and Helios, , Das Mysterium von Tod und Auferstehung: Formen und Wandlungen des Jona-Motivs (Göttingen 1963) 126–28. He develops the idea of the sea into which the sun god Helios descends each night, as a devouring force. Helios' rays are his hair, which he loses in the sea; thus bald-headed, he rises each morning from the jaws of the sea monster imagined to have devoured him. Steffen supports this idea by the story of Heracles in the belly of the sea monster discussed below. The book is more an adventure in archetypal myth-criticism than a work of art history.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Nordström, C. O., ‘Some Jewish Legends in Byzantine Art,’ Byzantion 25–27 (1955–57) 487–508, esp. 503–507. See also his more recent study, ‘Rabbinic Features in Byzantine and Catalan Art,’ Cahiers archéologiques 15 (1965) 179–205.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ginzberg, Louis, The Legends of the Jews (repr. Philadelphia 1968) IV 252 and VI n. 36. On this sort of material generally, see Hartman, Geoffrey and Budick, Sanford, Midrash and Literature (New Haven 1986) 3–105; Riché, Pierre and Lobrichon, Guy, Le Moyen Age et la Bible (Paris 1984) s.v. ‘Midrash’; and Strack, Hermann L., Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (repr. New York 1969). Abraham or Aven Ezra was an important figure in medieval astronomy and philosophy. See Friedlander, M., Essays on the Writings of Ibn Ezra (London 1877); Duhem, Pierre, Le Système du monde (Paris 1958) III 126–27; and The Beginning of Wisdom, edd. and tr. Levy, Raphael and Cantera, Francisco, Johns Hopkins Studies in Romance Literatures and Languages 14 (1939).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ziolkowski, Jan, ‘Folklore and Learned Lore in Letaldus's Whale Poem,’ Viator 15 (1984) 107–18. (This article was graciously called to my attention by Ruth Mellinkoff.) Interestingly, Letaldus' equally learned predecessor, Hucbald of St. Amand, who wrote a 146-line poem in praise of baldness whose every word begins with the letter C, did not number Jonah with Paul and Elisha, the two bald men of Scripture. See the Egloga de calvis in Winterfeld, Paul, ed., Poetae Latini aevi Carolini 4.1 (MGH SS; Berlin 1899) 267–71. (I am grateful to Jennifer Goodman for this reference.) In a praise of baldness found on the flyleaf of a 14th-century copy of the Decretals, the author adds Adam to their number: Adam ‘fuit calvus sic et Elizeus et Paulus sic similiter / Calvities vitium non est signum set honoris / Primus nempe parens calvus Adam fuerat’ (ms Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College 497). A mocking comparison of himself and Jonah ‘decalvatum’ occurs in the work of the Archpoet; see Heinrich Watenphul and Heinrich Krefeld, edd., Die Gedichte des Archipoeta 2.56 (Heidelberg 1958) 55.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ziolkowski knows the story of Heracles cited by Jung and gives additional bibliography, p. 111 n. 19, but does not mention Jung's study, discussed below.Google Scholar

¹⁹ On this ms see [De-Rossi, Johannes Baptista], MSS. codices Hebraici bibliotheca I. B. De-Rossi (Parma 1803) II 85–87, no. 25. The most recent account of Peter Comestor is that of Luscombe, David, ‘Peter Comestor,’ in Walsh, Katherine and Wood, Diana, edd., The Bible in the Medieval World: Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley (Oxford 1985) 109–29, who summarizes earlier studies. Lachs, S. T., ‘The Source of Hebrew Traditions in the Historia Scholastica,’ Harvard Theological Review 66 (1973) 385–86, minimizes Peter's actual knowledge of rabbinic commentary.Google Scholar

²⁰ See Weatherly, Edward H., ed., Speculum sacerdotale (EETS os 200; London 1936) 57 Ch. 21. On this work see also Heffernan, Thomas J., ‘Sermon Literature,’ in Edwards, A. S. G., ed., Middle English Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres (New Brunswick, N.J. 1984) 191.Google Scholar

²¹ Jung, Marc-René, Hercule dans la littérature française du XVI ^e siècle (Geneva 1966) 108–10.Google Scholar

²² a Lapide, Cornelius, Commentaria in Sacram Scripturam (Leiden 1625) VII 368.Google Scholar

²³ The most thorough study is that of Duval, Yves-Marie, The Livre de Jonas dans la littérature chrétienne grecque et latine (Paris 1973). See also Allenbach, Jean, ‘La figure de Jonas dans les textes préconstantiniens,’ in Colloque de Strasbourg: La Bible et les pères (Paris 1971) 97–112. For Jonah in medieval art generally, see Réau, Louis, Iconographie de l'art chrétien (Paris 1956) II 410–19; without offering an explanation, Réau notes that Jonah ‘entre vetû et chevalu dans la ventre de la baleine; il en sort chauve et nu. Sa charactéristique la plus individuelle est une calvitie totale’ (414).Google Scholar

²⁴ Homiliae 2.24, PL 155.2028.Google Scholar

²⁵ See Molsdorf, Wilhelm, Christliche Symbolik der mittelalterlichen Kunst (repr. Graz 1968) 488, 516.Google Scholar

²⁶ See on this Cahn, Bible, Romanesque Bible Illumination 103, 159–60, 258; Swoboda, K. M., ‘Die Bilder der Admonter Bibel des 12. Jahrhunderts,’ Neue Aufgaben der Kunstgeschichte (1935) 47–63; and Wehli, T., ‘Die Admonter Bibel,’ Acta historiae artium 23/3–4 (1977) 173–285.Google Scholar

²⁷ See Epist. 53.8, PL 22.546, and Berger, S., ‘Les prefaces jointes aux livres de la Bible dans les manuscrits de la Vulgate,’ Mémoires présentés par divers savants à l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Ser. 1 11.2 (1904). In a Bible contemporary with the Admont example, a bald, naked Jonah emerging from the whale in an almost identical miniature holds out his arms in a cruciform pose. See ms Berlin, Staatsbibliothek theol. Lat. fol. 379, fol. 377^v .Google Scholar

²⁸ See on this subject, Peterson, Erik, ‘Theologie des Kleides,’ Benediktinische Monatschrift 16 (1934) 347–56; Oppenheim, P., ‘Symbolik und religiöse Wertung des Mönchskleides im christlichen Altertum,’ Theologie des christlichen Ostens: Texte und Untersuchungen 2 (Münster 1932); Pepin, Jean, ‘Saint Augustin et le symbolisme néoplatonicien de la vêture,’ Augustinus Magister: Congrès international augustinien, Paris 21–24 septembre 1954 (Paris 1954–55) I 293–306; and Jones, George Fenwick, ‘Sartorial Symbols in Mediaeval Literature,’ Medium Évum 25 (1956–57) 63–70.Google Scholar

²⁹ Tertullian, , Liber de carne Christi 17, PL 2.781–82.Google Scholar

³⁰ An excellent treatment of Jonah in early Christian art is that of Mitius, Otto, Jonas auf den Denkmälern des christlichen Altertums (Freiburg im Breisgau 1897). Lawrence, Marion, ‘Ships, Monsters, and Jonah,’ American Journal of Archaeology 66 (1962) 293, suggests that in very early Christian sarcophagi ‘Jonah almost always goes into the whale … naked, although he may emerge clothed.’ Her plate 77, fig. 3 (fragment of a child's sarcophagus, Rome, Vatican Museum Chiaramonti collection), shows Jonah bald in the sea unless all the hair has been carefully broken off. She speaks of extensive restoration.Google Scholar

³¹ The best reproduction of the Jonah scene on the Lipsanothek casket is in Kollwitz, Johannes, Die Lipsanothek von Brescia (Berlin–Leipzig 1933) Part 2. See for discussion Delbrueck, Richard, Probleme der Lipsanothek in Brescia (Bonn 1952) 21–24, citing the midrash on Jonah for the loss of clothing.Google Scholar

³² Cyril of Jerusalem, PG 33.1077.Google Scholar

³³ Gregory of Nyssa, PG 46.420.Google Scholar

³⁴ Hervé of Bourgdieu, Commentary on the Cena of pseudo-Cyprian, ms Troyes, Bibliothèque municipale 447 fol. 108^v. On this idea see Bedard, Walter M., The Symbolism of the Baptismal Font in Early Christian Thought (Washington, D.C. 1951).Google Scholar

³⁵ See Bacher, Ernst, Die mittelalterlichen Glasgemälde in der Steiermark (Corpus vitrearum medii aevi 3: Österreich; Vienna 1979) 92–93.Google Scholar

³⁶ See Le Goff, J., La Naissance du Purgatoire (Paris 1981).Google Scholar

³⁷ For the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus on which these scenes are based, see the convenient edition by Kim, H. C., The Gospel of Nicodemus (Toronto 1973). An excellent survey of earlier scholarship on the Gospel of Nicodemus appears in Campbell, Jackson J., ‘To Hell and Back: Latin Tradition and Literary Use of the “Descensus ad Inferos” in Old English,’ Viator 13 (1982) 107–58. A typical list of the ‘just’ who will be saved appears in St. Augustine, , Epist. 164.3.6, PL 33.711, who offers ‘Abel, Seth, Noe, et domui ejus, Abraham, Isaac, et Jacob, aliisque Patriarchis et Prophetis.’ On vernacular adaptations of the Gospel of Nicodemus see Bozóky, Edina, ‘Les Apocryphes bibliques,’ in Riché, and Lobrichon, , Le Moyen Age et la Bible 432–34.Google Scholar

³⁸ See Guldon, Ernst, ‘Das Monster-Portal am Palazzi Zuccari in Rom: Wandlungen eines Motivs vom Mittelalter zur Manierismus,’ Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 32 (1969) 229–61.Google Scholar

³⁹ Green, William M., ed. and tr., St. Augustine, , The City of God 22.19 (Cambridge, Mass. 1972) VII 290.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ ms Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale 252 fol. 16^v commentary on Isaiah. (I am grateful to Dr. Nona C. Flores for bringing this passage to my attention.) Google Scholar

⁴¹ See on the hook-and-bait idea with regard to Jonah and the Bressanone fresco, Friedman, John B., ‘Figural Typology in the Middle English Patience,’ in Levy, Bernard S. and Szarmach, Paul E., edd., The Alliterative Tradition in the Fourteenth Century (Kent, Ohio 1981) 99–129. For a general study of Christ as bait see von Koppenfels, Werner, ‘Esca et Hamus: Beitrag zu einer historischen Liebesmetaphorik,’ Sb. Akad. Munich (1973) 3.39–43; and more recently Marchand, James, ‘Leviathan and the Mousetrap in the Niørstigningarsaga,’ Scandinavian Studies 47 (1975) 328–38.Google Scholar

⁴² On this motif generally, see Füglister, Robert L., Das lebende Kreuz (Einsiedeln 1964). An almost identical form of the Munich gradual's living cross scene occurs in ms Munich, Staatsbibliothek Clm 23041 fol. 3^v, initial A. This is published as figure 59 in Seiferth, Wolfgang, Synagogue and Church in the Middle Ages , tr. Chadeayne, Lee and Gottwald, Paul (New York 1970), and discussed on 146–47. Examples in other forms of art are the portal of St. Mary's church, Landshut, ca. 1432, and a fresco in the convent of San Petronio at Bologna, ca. 1440.Google Scholar

⁴³ A ms of the Speculum humanae salvationis, ms Kremsmünster, Stiftsbibliothek 243 fol. 33^v. ca. 1350, depicts a number of bald persons in the depths of hell. Willibrod Neumüller has published a facsimile, Speculum humanae salvationis: Vollst. Faks.-Ausg. des Codex Cremifanensis 243 des Benediktinerstifts Kremsmünster (Graz 1972). For the symbolism of infernal and purgatorial fires generally, see Bernstein, Allen E., ‘Esoteric Theology: William of Auvergne on the Fires of Hell and Purgatory,’ Speculum 57 (1982) 509–31. See Wilson, Adrian and Wilson, Joyce L., A Medieval Mirror, Speculum humanae salvationis 1324–1500 (Berkeley 1984) 24–48, for discussion of this work's authorship and milieu. The fascinating ‘Dominican Meditations’ has a Harrowing of Hell scene in which three of the four male patriarchs who emerge from the mouth of hell are noticeably bald. All are naked except for Eve. This is ms Cracow, Convent of the Discalced Carmelites 286, ca. 1530, and has been published by Górski, K. et al., Rozmyślania dominikańskie I: Riblioteka Pisarzów Polskich Ser. A, n. 3 (Wroclaw 1965) fol. 108, p. 209.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The Alton Towers triptich is discussed and published by Gauthier, Marie-Madeleine, Emaux du moyen âge occidental (Fribourg 1972) 141 pl. 97, and pp. 352–53. See also Morgan, Nigel, ‘The Iconography of Twelfth-Century Mosan Enamels,’ in Legner, A., ed., Rhein und Maas: Kunst und Kultur 800–1400 (Cologne 1973) II 263–78.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ The Roda Bible is discussed by Cahn, , Romanesque Bible Illumination 70–78, 292; and Klein, Peter, ‘Date et scriptorium de la Bible de Roda: État de recherches,’ Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 3 (1972) 91–102. In another Catalan Bible from the monastery of St. Mary at Ripoll, painted about the same time, and now ms Rome, Vat. lat. 5729, there is a sequence of marginal drawings of the miracles of Elisha, bald, on fol. 159, and on fol. 242 a bald Jonah emerging from the whale. It is unclear what force these images would have had owing to their separation. See Cahn 293 for discussion and bibliography.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See on this work de Laborde, Alexandre, ed., La Bible moralisée illustrée conservée à Oxford, Paris, et Londres (Paris 1911–21); Haussherr, Reiner, ‘Sensus literalis und sensus spirituals in der Bible moralisée,’ Frühmittelalterliche Studien 6 (1972) 356–80; and Branner, Robert, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of St. Louis (Berkeley 1977) 36–65, and ‘St. Louis et l'enluminure parisienne au xii^e siècle,’ in Septième centennaire de la mort de Saint Louis: Actes des colloques de Royaumont et de Paris, Mai 1970 (Paris 1977) 77–78. Branner believes that the Vienna version is the earliest of the group, probably made in 1212. The Vienna codex has been published by Haussherr, Reiner, ed., Bible moralisée: Faksimile-Ausgabe im Originalformat des Codex Vindobonensis 2554 der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek (Graz 1973) 131.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Beichner, Paul E., ed., Aurora Petri Rigae Biblia versificata (Notre Dame, Ind. 1965) I 308.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Scenes of the mockery of Elisha are quite common in the work of Albertus Pictor; in the fresco at Täby church, the children wear Jews' hats and have grotesque faces and noses – see Lundberg, , Albertus Pictor 252. For children at the bearing of the cross see Pickering, F. P., ‘Das gotische Christusbild zu den Quellen mittelalterlicher Passionsdarstellungen,’ Euphorion 47 (1953) 16–37; and for an interesting assimilation to the legend of St. Francis, in which the saint becomes another Christ and Elisha, see Fleming, John V., From Bonaventure to Bellini: An Essay in Franciscan Exegesis (Princeton 1982) 238–140. A Christ–St. Francis is also mocked by children, symbolizing the Jews, in the Supplicationes variae, a Franciscan prayer-book of ca. 1293–1300, possibly from Emilia and now ms Laurenziana Plut. XXV.3. See on this work Amy Neff's article in Belting, Hans, ed., Il medio oriente e l'occidente nell'arte del XIII secolo (Bologna 1982) 173–80, which summarizes earlier studies.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Davidson, Clifford, ed., A Middle English Treatise on the Playing of Miracles (Washington, D.C. 1981) 53.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Green, Rosalie B. et al., edd., The Hortus deliciamm of Herrad of Hohenbourg (Warburg Institute; London 1979) II 121 item 259.Google Scholar

⁵¹ See Van den Gheyn, J., ed., Le Psautier de Peterborough (Haarlem 1906) and Sandler, Lucy Freeman, The Peterborough Psalter in Brussels & other Fenland Manuscripts (London 1974) fig. 43. Bede associated the baldness of tonsure not only with the Passion but also with the crowning with thorns. See Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R. A. B., edd., Ecclesiastical History of the English People 5.21 (Oxford 1969) 546–47, and Honorius, , Gemma animae 1.194 (PL 172.603), who also puns on calvus and Calvary. Google Scholar

⁵² On the winged headgear of these torturers see Mellinkoff, Ruth, ‘Demonic Winged Headgear,’ Viator 16 (1985) 367–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵³ On this subject, see the superb study by Marrow, James H., Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance (Kortrijk 1979) 20, and esp. 68–75.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Jordan Stallings, M., ed., Meditaciones de passione Christi olim sancto Bonaventurae attributae (Washington, D.C. 1965) 121. See Marrow 11 for more recent discussion.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Bennett, J. A. W., ed., Devotional Pieces in Verse and Prose from MS Arundel 285 and MS Harleian 6919 (Edinburgh 1955) 183.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Marrow, , Passion Iconography 95–170.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Pieper, Paul, ‘Zum Werk des Meisters der heiligen Veronika,’ Festschrift für Gert von der Osten (Cologne 1970) 91, discusses this work. See also Marrow, , Passion Iconography pl. 4 and p.61.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ On this retable, see Evans, Joan, English Art 1307–1461 (Oxford 1949) 100–101, and for the context of the other panels, Kendon, Frank, Mural Paintings in English Churches during the Middle Ages (London 1923) pl. 6 and pp. 219–20.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See on this painter Kloss, Ernst, Die schlesische Buchmalerei des Mittelalters (Berlin 1942) 108–38. I am grateful to Dr. Stefan Kubow, Director of the Wroclaw University Library, for information on the present state of ms 166. On Bohemian International Gothic style painting generally, see Kletzel, O., ‘Studien zur böhmischen Buchmalerei,’ Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 7 (1933) 1–76; Matejcek, A. and Pesina, J., La peinture gothique tchèque 1350–1450 (Prague 1950); Kutal, A., L'Art du moyen âge en Bohème et en Moravie (Paris 1957); Pesina, J., Ceské umení Gotické 1350–1420 (Prague 1970); and Schmidt, Gerhard, ‘Malerei bis 1450: Tafelmalerei–Wandmalerei–Buchmalerei,’ in Swoboda, Karl M., ed., Gotik in Böhmen (Munich 1969) 167–321.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ A very bald Christ led before Pilate, painted by the Master of Michel Jouvenel ca. 1470, in ms Yale Beinecke Library 576 fol. 18, is published by Plummer, John, Last Flowering (New York 1982) pl. 81. See for another quite bald Christ, James Mundy, E., ‘Franciscus alter Christus: The Intercessory Function of a Late Quattrocento Panel,’ Record of the Art Museum, Princeton University 36 (1977). The Leitmeritzer altarpiece is discussed in Swoboda, , ed., Gotik in Böhmen 391–92.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See, for example, the Garser altar, 1491; the Aggsbacher altar, 1501; and the Gedersdorfer altar, 1515–1520, in the Augustinian convent of Herzogenburg, Austria, published and discussed by Fritz Dworschak and Rupert Feuchtmüller in Herzogenburg: Das Stift und seine Kunstschätze (St. Pölten n.d.) 54–55, 56, 57.Google Scholar

⁶² The painting by Baegert is published by Marrow, , Passion Iconography, pl. 13, and discussed p. 162.Google Scholar

⁶³ See Berliner, Rudolf, ‘Anna Christi,’ Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 6 (1955) 35–152. See also Pieper, , ‘Zum Werk,’ for discussion.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ A number of examples could be added to the list given by Haseloff, Günther, Die Psalterillustration im 13. Jahrhundert: Studien zur Geschichte der Buchmalerei in England, Frankreich und den Niederlanden (Kiel 1938) 31. There is an illustrated Byzantine psalter tradition, of course, in which Jonah is often shown bald, but it does not seem to have had much influence on the material we have been considering. See Tikkanen, J. J., Die Psalterillustration im Mittelalter: Die byzantinische Psalterillustration der Utrecht-Psalter (Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae 31; 1903) fig. 22 p. 24; and von Seidlitz, W., ‘Die illustrirten Handschriften der Hamilton-Sammlung zu Berlin,’ Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft 6 (1883) 256–61.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ A typical example might be ms British Library Add. 54179 fol. 59^v, from York ca. 1250–60, where a half-naked Jonah emerges from the whale in the bottom compartment of the S and Jesus in similar garb comes from the tomb in the top compartment.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ For brief discussion, see Friedman, John B., ‘Resources for Scholars: Medieval Manuscripts in Two Illinois Libraries: Main Library, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign,’ The Library Quarterly 57.1 (1987) 78.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See Salmon, Pierre, Les ‘Tituli Psalmorum’ des manuscrits latines (Rome 1959) 9–12.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Irenaeus, , Adversus Haereticos 4.21.3 (PG 7.1046); and Hilary of Poitiers, Instructio psalmorum 5, ed. Zingerle, A., S. Hilari Episcopi Pictaviensis tractatus super Psalmos (CSEL 22; Vienna 1891) 6.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Tractatus super Psalmum vicesimum, ms Urbana, University of Illinois de Ricci 106 fol. 85.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See the use of this motif in the anonymous Middle English poem Patience, ed. Anderson, J. J. (Manchester 1969); and Friedman, , ‘Figural Typology’ 124.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Perez, B. M., ed., Obras de San Agustín: Enarraciones sobre los Salmos (BAC; Madrid 1966) III 193–94. See also Psalms, 41–48 and 83, 86–87; and Isidore of Seville, Quaestiones in Vetus Testamentum ‘In Regum Quartum’ 3 (PL 83.420).Google Scholar

⁷² Bernard, Ps., Meditatio in passionem et resurrectionem Domini 7.16 (PL 184.752). See also Cavallera, Ferdinand V. in Dictionnaire de spiritualité (Paris 1932) I 1501.Google Scholar

⁷³ Bernard of Clairvaux, Liber ad milites templi de Laude novae militiae 10, edd. Leclercq, J. et al., S. Bernardi opera: Tractatus et opuscula (Rome 1963) III 229. See also two sermons associated with the name of Caesarius of Aries, Sermones 41, 42 (PL 39.1826–30).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See the introduction ‘On Beards in the Middle Ages’ by Constable, Giles, in Huygens, R. B. C., ed., Burchardi apologia de barbis (CCL 62; Turnholt 1985) 47–149, which contains a considerable amount of information on hair in the Middle Ages. (I am grateful to Ruth Mellinkoff for calling this work to my attention.) Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Rupert of Deutz, De divinis officiis 2.25, ed. Haacke, H., Ruperti Tuitiensis opera (CCL Cont. med. 7; Turnhout 1967) 61. See Caesarius of Aries, Sermo 118, where the shaving of Samson's head is interpreted as Christ's crucifixion on Calvary (PL 39.1640–43). Ludolph of Saxony's etymology for the word calvaria – ‘est autem calvaria testa capitiis, pilis et pelle denudata’ – is also interesting in this regard. See also on this author Bodenstedt, Mary Immaculate, The Vita Christi of Ludolphus the Carthusian (Washington, D.C. 1944).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ A number of people have contributed advice and information in the course of this study. I am especially grateful to d'Alverny, M.-T., Camargo, Martin, Danielson, Kirstin, Fanale, James, Flores, Nona, Goodman, Jenny, Hudson, Anne, Marchand, James, Marrow, James, Mellinkoff, Ruth, Morgan, Nigel, Neff, Amy, Nicol, Robert, the staff at the Princeton Index of Christian Art, and Linda Voigts.Google Scholar