¹ Cf. Garitte, , op. cit. 273–274, 349.Google Scholar

² Ibid . 351.Google Scholar

³ Ibid. 350 and ‘Note sur les citations d'Agathange contenues dans le “Sceau de la Foi”,’ 354–356.Google Scholar

⁴ Peeters, P., Peeters, S. J., ‘S. Grégorie l'Illuminateur dans le calendrier lapidaire de Naples,’ Analecta Bollandiana 60 (1942) 91–130, especially 104–112. I regret not having found access to Martyrologium romanum ad formam editionis typicae scoliis historicis instructum (Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Decembris) Brussels 1940, where on pp. 424–425 and 426–427 Fr. Peeters treats of the problem of Agathangelus.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ Cf. e.g., ‘La tradition manuscrite de l'“Agathange” grec,’ Rev. Hist. Eccl. 37 (1941) 190–209.Google Scholar

⁶ This edition is mentioned only in passing, in the bibliography to chaps. V and VII, as ‘(= Fragm. Hist. Graec., V)’ after Langlois’ Collection. Google Scholar

⁷ N. Marr published the Arabic text and a Russian translation in ‘The Conversion of the Armenians, Georgians, Abasgians, and Alanians by St. Gregory,’ Zapiski (Bulletin) of the Eastern Division of the Imp. Russ. Archaeol. Society 16 (1905) 63–211.Google Scholar

⁸ Cf. e.g., J̌avaxišvili, I., The History of the Georgian People II (Tiflis 1924) 328–331.Google Scholar

⁹ Cf. below.Google Scholar

¹⁰ ‘Zum arabischen Agathangelos,’ Wiener Zeitschr. f. d. Kunde des Morgenl. 32 (1923) 134–136.Google Scholar

¹¹ De adm. imperio 46, PG 113 (1864) 360: Ἡ δὲ χώρα το κάστρου Ἀδρανουτζίου, ἢτοι τò Ἀρζὴν ἓστι καὶ πολλὴ καὶ εὒφορος, καὶ ὑπάρχει κλειδὶν τς τε Ἰβηρίας, καί Ἀβασγίας, καί τν Μοσχιν.Google Scholar

¹² Ibid. Google Scholar

¹³ Marr, , op. cit. 171–172.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cf. e.g. the Grand siècle French rendering of an Italian gentilitial name: la princesse des Ursins. Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cf. Garitte, 227.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Adonc', N. (Adontz), Armenia in the Epoch of Justinian (in Russian, St. Petersburg 1908) 257, 259, 402, 417.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Procopius, , Bell. pers. II 3, 12–18. It is to be regretted that the translator for the Loeb Cl. Libr. I (1914) should have rendered τν Ἀσπετιανν … γέvoς by ‘the tribe called the Aspetiani,’ p. 273, especially as a little below, 35 (pp. 280/281), the word γέvoς (of the Arsacids) was correctly translated as ‘family’ and since Marquart, , Osteur. und ostas. Streifzüge (Leipzig 1903) 437 had identified the Aspetiani with the family of the Bagratids.Google Scholar

¹⁸ The Arabic Life has the following description of the Bagratid Prince: princeps 'sbytywn (sbytynwn?) nomine ‘sbyts, 85 (p. 72, 5). As Garitte remarks, the Arab translator observes the difference between the office of Aspet (referring to an office as nomen; cf. the Prince of the Mamikonids, hereditary Grand Constable—ἀσπαραπέτης, referred to in the Arabic Life as: nomine ’ṣb'r'b'ts, ibid. 72, 7) and the gentilitial name (not ‘nom de peuple’) Aspetūni. Google Scholar

¹⁹ Adonc', op. cit. 416–417. The land of the Mards was called Mardastan or Mardoc‘ēk‘, later Mardpetakan.Google Scholar

²⁰ Ibid. 448–449. Hence the Greek Agathangelus calls the Mardpet ἐπὶ τς ἐξουσίας πατρίκιος λεγóµεvος, cf. Garitte 225. Hayr = ‘father.’ Google Scholar

²¹ Adonc', , op. cit. 448.Google Scholar

²² Cf. the form Ἀσπέτων in the Greek Agathangelus, Garitte 227.Google Scholar

²³ Garitte, (p. 241–242) suggests that, since the studies on the Diegesis have not, on the whole, taken into account the Lautverschiebung which characterizes it, the work should be investigated from that point of view in order to see whether the phonetic peculiarities in question date from the seventh century or whether it was originally written in Armenian and only later translated into Greek.Google Scholar

²⁴ Cf. the table, ibid. 270.Google Scholar

²⁵ The other MSS of the Greek Agathangelus are Ottob. gr. 373 (ninth c.), Paris, gr. 1485 (tenth c.), Paris. gr. 1506 (tenth c.), Vat. gr. 544 (palimpsest, eleventh c.), Cantabr. Add. 3574 (eleventh-twelfth c.), ibid. 272–273; cf. below.Google Scholar

²⁶ Marr, , op. cit. 149–182.Google Scholar

²⁷ Cf. below.Google Scholar

²⁸ The Armeno-Georgian march, at first Armenoid, became Georgian as a result of the orthodoxy of its inhabitants, who thus separated from the national anti-Chalcedonite communion espoused by the large bulk of their compatriots, and of the coincidence of the decline of the Armenian political unity with the rise of the Georgian political unity. This transformation took place through the seventh and eighth centuries, cf. Marr, , in Byzantina Chronica 12 (1906) 1–68.Google Scholar

²⁹ Cf. n. 28.Google Scholar

³⁰ That the toponymic suffix -et'-i ‘sert à former des noms de pays, et non des noms d'endroits,’ is difficult to accept with Garitte, 348 n. 5. The statement that this suffix forms names of countries—found in Marr, and Brière, M., La langue géorgienne (Paris 1931) 63 p. 54—need not be taken as exclusive. The examples of towns and places like Orbet'i, Tbet'i, Bazalet'i, T'ianet'i, Xveduret'i, or Ač'abet'i are sufficient.Google Scholar

³¹ Cf. n. 28.Google Scholar

³² Garitte 221, line 25: instead of 150, should be 159.Google Scholar

³³ Λαζν .Google Scholar

³⁴ Marr, , 160–161, proposes to emend drzqy't into lzqy't—Laziket'i (?); Garitte, into lzqyn (Λαζικήν) 222. It would be of interest to investigate why the Λάζν of the Scorialensis gr. X. III. 6 is rendered as Abxāz by the Arabic Life (except the corrupt Λατoȋς as ‘lrws), whereas the Λαζν of the archetypal Greek Life, now lost, is given in the Arabic translation as lzwn.Google Scholar

³⁵ Cf. e.g. Gugushvili, A., ‘Ethnographical and Historical Division of Georgia,’ Georgica 1, 1–2 (1936) 55–58. Eastern Georgia, or K‘art‘li, was known to the Classical world as Ἰβηρία, and as Guristān and Gurān or urān to the Persians and the Arabs.Google Scholar

³⁶ J̌anašia, S., ‘The Epoch and Circumstances of the Rise of the Kingdom of Abasgia’ (in Russian), Bulletin de l'Institut Marr 8 (1940) 137–152. In 781–782, when Nerse, Duke of Iberia visited the province of Ap‘xazet‘i (nucleus of the Abasgian kingdom) it was still under a prince (mt'avar), cf. Peeters, P., S. J., ‘Les Khazars dans la Passion de S. Abo de Tiflis,’ Analecta Bollandiana 52 (1934) 26, for the date, 45.Google Scholar

³⁷ The traditional date of Ašot's accession is 786, which T‘aqaišvili, E., ‘Georgian Chronology and the Beginnings of Bagratid Rule in Georgia,’ Georgica 1, 1 (1935) 9–27, has proposed to put as high as at 780; however, 813, is the correct date resulting from the synchronisms of The Chronicle of Iberia and Vardan, cf. Marquart, , Streifzüge 391–436, esp. 405ff.Google Scholar

³⁸ Cf. Javaxišvili, , op. cit. 330–331.Google Scholar

³⁹ Adonc', , op. cit. 292–295.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Descriptions differ in all the four versions, but they refer to the same personage The Greek Life omits the Prince of Otene. s.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Adonc', , op. cit. 243–245.Google Scholar

⁴² Ibid . 29, 222, 224–225, 226, 256.Google Scholar

Georgetown University. Cyril Toumanoff.Google Scholar

Histoire de l'église en Belgique. Par É. de Moreau. Tome I, La formation de la Belgique chrétienne des origines au milieu du dixième siècle. Seconde édition revue et corrigée, 1945. Pp. XX, 388; 20 illustrations on 9 plates. Tome II, La formation de l'église médiévale du milieu du dixième siècle aux débuts du douzième siècle. Seconde édition remaniée et complétée, 1945. Pp. 501; 38 illustrations on 25 plates. L’Édition Universelle, Bruxelles.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ibid. 319–321.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The Syriac Chronicle of Zachariah of Mitylene , tr. Hamilton, and Brooks, (London 1899) 327.Google Scholar