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DEATH AND TAXES: A LIBERTARIAN REAPPRAISAL

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 August 2023

Miranda Perry Fleischer*
Affiliation:
Law, University of San Diego School of Law

Abstract

Imagine two friends. Anna inherits nothing and works for every penny she has, while Mary inherits millions. How should a world that respects individual autonomy and private property rights treat Anna’s earnings and Mary’s inheritance? Should it tax them the same, or tax one more heavily than the other? If the latter, which one? The conventional wisdom holds that although some “right” libertarian theories justify taxing income, none justify taxing inheritances. Such taxes are “expropriations” and “an especially cruel injury” that “run[] roughshod over [a] deceased’s interest in the ends his property will serve.” This essay explores the standard libertarian objections to taxing gifts and bequests and argues that libertarians overstate their case when distinguishing the taxation of gratuitous transfers from other types of taxation. At minimum, the benefit theory of taxation embraced by many minimal statists and classical liberals mandates that the receipt of gifts and bequests should be taxed to the recipient. Moreover, the goals of curbing inherited political power and preventing wealthy families from insulating their members from market competition provide two additional explanations for why taxing inheritances to recipients is compatible with classical liberal values.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© 2023 Social Philosophy & Policy Foundation. Printed in the USA

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Footnotes

*

School of Law, The University of San Diego, mirandafleischer@sandiego.edu. Competing Interests: The author declares none. Thanks to Susie Morse, Shu-Yi Oei, Jim Repetti, Diane Ring, David Schmidtz, David Walker, Matt Zwolinski, the participants in the Boston College Tax Policy Workshop, and the other contributors to this volume.

References

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3 These exemption levels reflect inflation adjustments as of 2023. The base exemption amount was increased to $10 million in 2017, indexed to inflation. It is scheduled to return to a benchmark of $5 million in 2026 (this too is adjusted for inflation, and is projected to be somewhere between $6 million and $7 million in 2026).

4 Fleischer, Miranda Perry and Hemel, Daniel, “Atlas Nods: The Libertarian Case for a Basic Income,” Wisconsin Law Review 2017, no. 6 (2017): 12031207 Google Scholar.

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13 Ibid., 169.

14 These theorists—admittedly a small group—use a variety of arguments. Mack argues that “no plausible moral theory” would require one individual to sacrifice her only life for another’s property rights. Therefore, a minimal state-financed safety net for the very destitute protects others’ property rights by removing the conditions under which the very poor can justifiably infringe on those rights. Mack, Eric, “Non-Absolute Rights and Libertarian Taxation,” Social Philosophy and Policy 23, no. 2 (2006): 109 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Others argue that the Lockean proviso that “enough and as good” be left for others requires a minimal safety net to make sure the proviso is true on an individual level and not just a societal one. Zwolinski, Matt, “Property Rights, Coercion, and the Welfare State: The Libertarian Case for a Basic Income for All,” Independent Review 19 (2014): 521, 523 Google Scholar. Finally, some argue that Nozick’s principle of rectification justifies some redistribution. For further explorations of these arguments, see Miranda Perry Fleischer, “Taxation,” in Matt Zwolinski and Benjamin Ferguson, eds., The Routledge Companion to Libertarianism (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2022), 380; Fleischer and Hemel, “Atlas Nods,” 1207-20.

15 Fleischer, Miranda Perry, “Libertarianism and the Charitable Tax Subsidies,” Boston College Law Review 56, no. 4 (2015): 1376–86Google Scholar; Fleischer and Hemel, “Atlas Nods,” 1220-31.

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20 Epstein lists the first three considerations in “Lockean World,” 54-55, but does not explicitly list fairness. Yet surely libertarianism requires that a tax not unfairly burden some individuals more than others, or that individuals each pay their fair share, even if a libertarian might give substance to those ideals differently than an egalitarian or a welfarist. Indeed, these concepts undergird libertarian concerns about rent-seeking and burden-shifting, ibid., 57, 70.

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23 Epstein, “Flat Tax,” 143. One wrinkle is that some individuals may be honest holdouts, meaning that they are not attempting to free-ride but are truly willing to forego state protection. One response is that the difficulty of distinguishing honest holdouts from free-riders means that everyone must assumed to be the latter.

24 Ibid., 154.

25 This is Nozick’s task in the first section of ASU.

26 Fleischer, “Taxation.”

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38 In contrast, many left libertarians assert that private property rights end at death and that a decedent’s property should revert to common ownership. See, e.g., Steiner, Hillel, An Essay on Rights (Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 2004), 249–60Google Scholar. Somewhat similarly, Jennifer Bird-Pollan argues that under Nozickian reasoning, property rights do not extend beyond death in “Death, Taxes and Property (Rights): Nozick, Libertarianism and the Estate Tax,” Maine Law Review 66, no. 1 (2013). But see Lamont Rodgers, “Death, Taxes and Misrepresentations of Robert Nozick: Why Nozickians Can Oppose the Estate Tax,” Libertarian Papers 7, no. 1 (2015).

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44 Fleischer, Miranda Perry, “Not So Fast: The Hidden Difficulties of Taxing Wealth,” in Knight, Jack and Schwartzberg, Melissa, eds., Nomos LVIII: Wealth (New York: New York University Press, 2017), 276 Google Scholar.

45 Epstein, Takings, 303-5; Mises, Planning, 32 (calling estate and inheritance taxes “expropriation” and opposing them on the same grounds he opposes progressivity generally, which is that “[t]he philosophy underlying the system of progressive taxation is that the income and the wealth of the well-to-do classes can be freely tapped.”).

46 Fleischer, “Taxation.”

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51 Ibid.

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53 Ibid.

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56 Chye-Ching Huang and Chloe Cho, “Ten Facts You Should Know About the Estate Tax,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (2017).

57 In reality, the tax’s incidence is more complicated, as explored in text surrounding notes 47-51.

58 That said, it is plausible that libertarians fear additional tax structures such as a distinct inheritance tax on the grounds that they add arrows to the government’s quiver, facilitating government expansion. Melkevik, Asbjorn, “A Tax Dead on Arrival: Classical Liberalism, Inheritance, and Social Mobility,” Critical Review of International and Social Philosophy 2, no. 2 (2017): 13 Google Scholar. The more types of taxes there are, the easier it might be for the government to raise taxes in dribs and drabs without calling attention to this expansion.

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60 On this point, welfarists might respond that gifts and bequests should be taxed more lightly—or even subsidized—because they generate positive externalities to the recipient that the donor ignores. This argument ignores that (1) not all gifts and bequests are altruistically motivated and (2) libertarians are generally skeptical of government intervention to increase overall welfare. For a longer discussion of subsidizing wealth transfers, see Batchelder, “Society,” 30-33.

61 For discussions of income inclusion schemes, see ibid.; Dodge, Joseph, “Beyond Estate and Gift Tax Reform: Including Gifts and Bequests in Income,” Harvard Law Review 91, no. 6 (1978)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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65 Halliday, Daniel, The Inheritance of Wealth: Justice, Equality, and the Right to Bequeath (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fleischer, Miranda Perry, “Taxing Old Money: Considerations in Crafting a Rignano Tax,” Law, Ethics and Philosophy 2020, no. 8 (2020): 86106 Google Scholar.

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69 See, e.g., Knight, “Abstract Economics,” 166 (recognizing the “unfairness of an unequal start in the competition of life by the members of each oncoming generation, an inequality inheritance tends to increase through succeeding generations. It is only made tolerable by counteracting political compulsion”).

70 Henry Simons, whom tax scholars will recognize as a key contributor to the widely accepted Haig-Simons definition of income, endorsed equality of opportunity as “an ideal that free societies should constantly pursue, even at much cost in terms of other ends.” Simons, Economic Policy, 6. Although some libertarians debate whether Simons “counts” as a libertarian or classical liberal, at minimum, his views are adjacent to such theories and, as such, help shed light on whether support for the principle of equality of opportunity might be found in and around the libertarian movement.

71 Friedman, Capitalism, 107; Hayek, Law, 84-85; Buchanan, Liberty, 134-35.

72 Melkevik, “Dead on Arrival,” 19.

73 Friedman, Capitalism, 107.

74 See, e.g., Corak, Miles, “Income Inequality, Equality of Opportunity, and Intergenerational Mobility,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 27, no. 3 (2013): 79 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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78 Ibid.

79 Melkevik, “Dead on Arrival,” 20.

80 Buchanan, Liberty, 133.

81 Fleischer and Hemel, “Atlas Nods,” 1213; Mack, Eric, “The Self-Ownership Proviso: A New and Improved Lockean Proviso,” Social Philosophy and Policy 12, no. 1 (1995): 212–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 Epstein, “Generations,” 1475-77.

83 For a sketch of such a structure (albeit through a liberal egalitarian lens), see Alstott, “Equal Opportunity.”

84 Buchanan, Liberty, 133.

85 Ibid., 134.

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87 Friedman and Friedman, Free to Choose, 136.

88 Buchanan, Liberty, 124.

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94 Christiano, “Money,” 244-45. Of course, the importance of small donors in recent elections may be mitigating this effect somewhat.

95 See Jill Ornitz and Ryan Struyk, “Donald Trump’s Surprisingly Honest Lessons About Big Money in Politics,” ABC News, August. 11, 2015; Kalla, Joshua L. and Broockman, David E., “Campaign Contributions Facilitate Access to Congressional Officials: A Randomized Field Experiment,” American Journal of Political Science 60, no. 3 (2016): 545, 546 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Langbein, Laura I., “Money and Access: Some Empirical Evidence,” Journal of Politics 48, no. 4 (1986): 1052, 1060 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. But see Chin, Michelle, Bond, Jon R., and Gava, Nehemia, “A Foot in the Door: An Experimental Study of PAC and Constituency Effects on Access,” Journal of Politics, 62, no. 2 (2000): 534 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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98 Aprill, Ellen P., “Examining the Landscape of 501(c)(4) Social Welfare Organizations,” New York University Journal of Legislation and Public Policy 21, no. 2 (2018): 345 Google Scholar, 346-47.

99 Repetti, “Democracy,” 841-43.

100 Sydney Ember, “A. G. Sulzberger, 37, to Take Over as New York Times Publisher,” New York Times, Dec. 14, 2017; Robert Barnes and David A. Farenthold, “The Grahams: A Family Synonymous with The Post and with Washington,” Washington Post, August 5, 2013; “How Rupert Murdoch’s Empire of Influence Remade the World,” New York Times, April 3, 2019.

101 Jeremy W. Peters and Rachel Shorey, “Trump Spent Far Less Than Clinton, but Paid His Companies Well,” New York Times, December 9, 2016; Open Secrets.org, 2020 Presidential Race: Donald Trump, https://tinyurl.com/k3y6hwxk.

102 Open Secrets.org, Self-Funding Candidates, https://tinyurl.com/xr7ewm2v; Fredreka Schouten, “Trump Effect? Candidates Plow Record Amounts of Their Own Money Into Congressional Bids,” CNN Politics, November 5, 2018; Anthony Cotton, “In An Era of Self-Funded Campaigns, Amendment 75 Aims To Even The Odds,” Colorado Public Radio, November 1, 2018.

103 See Cindy Carcamo, “Arizona Governor Jan Brewer Vetoes So-Called Anti-Gay Bill,” Los Angeles Times, February 26, 2014; Dan Levin, “North Carolina Reaches Settlement on ‘Bathroom Bill’,” New York Times, July 23, 2019.

104 Christiano, “Money,” 247.

105 See Anita Kumar, “Trump Hands US Policy Writing to Shadow Groups of Business Execs,” Miami Herald, September 7, 2017; Municipal Research and Services Center of Washington, Local Government Citizen Advisory Boards (2008); Ohio Department of Education, Business Advisory Councils in Ohio Schools; Wooster City School District, Business Advisory Council; Gary Rivlin, “A Mogul Who Would Rebuild New Orleans,” New York Times, September 29, 2005; Edward Wyatt, “Panel of Politicians is to Advise in Rebuilding,” New York Times, February 1, 2002.

106 Repetti, “Democracy,” 828-50.

107 Fleischer, “Divide and Conquer.”

108 Ibid.; Alstott, “Equal Opportunity.”