Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-9pm4c Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-26T14:40:15.237Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Words Matter: Linguistic Conditions for Democracy in Russia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Richard D. Anderson Jr.
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, University of California, Los Angeles
Valery I. Chervyakov
Affiliation:
Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow
Pavel B. Parshin
Affiliation:
affiliated with the Ministry of Science and Technical Policy, Moscow

Extract

How does language influence politics? Usually when this question is posed, it is understood to concern relations within a polity among communities whose members speak different languages. Our concern, however, is what contribution politicians’ language may make to the choice between authoritarianism or democracy. Of course, we reject any reduction of that determination to language alone.

The study of change in political Russian during the Soviet and post-Soviet era has concentrated on the consequences of variation in content. As Meyer observed, during the Soviet period scholars mainly evaluated the degree to which “routine thinking in terms of the official doctrine … [exerted] an effect on actions taken or not taken…” Remington called attention to the existence in the Soviet period of “two interdependent but opposed codes,” one for “the ritualized world of public life” and the other for private interaction—a difference that, as early as 1960, Tucker had traced back to origins in tsarist Russia.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

We thank Professor Tamara Moiseevna Dridze; Professors Kathleen Bawn, Shanto Iyengar, John Petrocik, Stephen Ansolabehere, Bernard Grofman, Sara Melzer and John Heritage for methodological advice; and Professor Anne Anderson of the UCLA School of Law for a particularly useful suggestion. We also thank Nicole Waters, Claudia Palme and Zach Selden for research assistance. The Academic Senate, International Studies and Overseas Programs, and the Center for European and Russian Studies at UCLA, the Center for German and European Studies at UC Berkeley and the National Council for Soviet and East European Research funded the project. None of these advisers, assistants or sources of funding bears responsibility for content.

1. Alfred G. Meyer, “Political Ideologies in the Soviet Union: Reflections on Past Attempts to Understand the Relationship between Ideas and Politics,” in White, Stephen and Pravda, Alex, eds., Ideology and Soviet Politics (New York: MacMillan, 1988), 45 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also White, Stephen, Political Culture and Soviet Politics (New York: MacMillan 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2. Remington, Thomas, “A Socialist Pluralism of Opinions: Glasnost’ and Policy-Making under Gorbachev,” Russian Review 48, no. 3 (1989): 271-304 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tucker, Robert C., “Dual Russia,” reprinted in Tucker, The Soviet Political Mind (New York: W.W. Norton, 1971)Google Scholar; Mossman, Elliott, “From the Editor,” Slavic Review 53, no. 3 (Fall 1994):ixGoogle Scholar. See also Buckley, Mary, Redefining Russian Society and Polity (Boulder: Westview, 1993), 18, 45-47, 50Google Scholar; Benn, David Wedgwood, “Glasnost’ and the Media,” in White, Stephen, Pravda, Alex and Gitelman, Zvi, eds., Developments in Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics, 2nd edGoogle Scholar. Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (Winter 1995) (Durham: Duke University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; White, Stephen, Gorbachev in Power (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 57-60 Google Scholar. Remington's interpretation of glasnost’ as an instrument takes Gorbachev at his word when he called it a “powerful lever of the improvement of work in all sectors of our construction….” (Pravda, 28 January 1987). The interpretation of glasnost’ as an instrument that others used against its inventor echoes, quite involuntarily, the opinion of Soviet conservatives (see Smolianskii, V. G., Glasnost’ radi cheloveka: kto protiv [Moscow: Moskovskii rabochii, 1990]Google Scholar).

3. Schull, Joseph, “Self-Destruction of Soviet Ideology,” Harriman Institute Forum 4, no. 7 (1991)Google Scholar. For additional criticisms of the content in the language of perestroika, see the papers collected in Urban, Michael E., ed., Ideology and System Change in the USSR and East Europe (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4. Lapidus, Gail Warshofsky, “The Role of Glasnost’ in Gorbachev's Reform Strategy,” in Melville, Andrei and Lapidus, , eds., The Glasnost’ Papers: Voices on Reform from Moscow (Boulder: Westview, 1990), 19-24 Google Scholar; Lapidus, G. W., “State and Society: Toward the Emergence of Civil Society in the Soviet Union,” in Bialer, Seweryn, ed., Politics, Society and Nationality: Inside Gorbachev's Russia (Boulder: Westview, 1989)Google Scholar; Hill, Ronald J., “Glasnost’ and Soviet Politics,” Co-existence 26 (1989): 317-31Google Scholar; Moses, Joel C., “Democratic Reform in the Gorbachev Era: Dimensions of Reform in the Soviet Union, 1986–1989,” Russian Review 48, no. 3 (1989):235-69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lewin, Moshe, The Gorbachev Phenomenon: A Historical Interpretation, expanded edition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 115-20Google Scholar; Sakwa, Richard, Gorbachev and His Reforms 1985–1990 (New York: Prentice Hall, 1990), 72-81 Google Scholar. This view took Gorbachev at his word in the second half of the sentence excerpted above, which ended with his description of glasnost’ as “an effective means of all-people's control” (Pravda, 28 January 1987). These scholars, often quite consciously, adopted the view of glasnost’ advocated by Soviet liberals (Hill, 322-26; Lapidus and Melville, eds., 31–32, 53, 59–60; Glasnost': Mneniia, poiski, politika [Moscow: Iuridicheskaia literatura, 1989].Google Scholar)

5. Michael Urban, “Political Language and Political Change in the USSR: Notes on the Gorbachev Leadership,” in Potichnyj, Peter J., ed., The Soviet Union: Party and Society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6. Urban, Michael, “The Politics of Identity in Russia's Post-Communist Transition: The Nation against Itself,” Slavic Review 53, no. 3 (Fall 1994):733-65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7. Chafe, Wallace L., Meaning and the Structure of Language (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1970)Google Scholar.

8. Sebeok, Thomas A., A Sign Is Just a Sign (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), 50 Google Scholar. Sebeok attributes this view to Iurii Lotman.

9. Kaminski, Antoni Z., An Institutional Theory of Communist Regimes: Design, Function and Breakdown (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1992), 244-45Google Scholar.

10. This point is made repeatedly by the papers collected in Pye, Lucian W., ed., Communications and Political Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963)Google Scholar.

11. Schumpeter, Joseph, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (New York: Harper, 1950), 285.Google Scholar

12. Rosenstone, Steven J. and Hansen, John Mark, Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America (New York : Macmillan, 1993), esp. 30-36, 229Google Scholar.

13. Ansolabehere, Stephen, Iyengar, Shanto, Simon, Adam and Valentino, Nicholas, “Does Attack Advertising Demobilize the Electorate?American Political Science Review 88, no. 4 (1994):829-38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14. Muehlhaeusler, Peter and Harre, Rom, with the assistance of Holiday, Anthony and Freyne, Michael, Pronouns and People: the Linguistic Construction of Social and Personal Identity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 11-12 Google Scholar.

15. Roeder, Philip G., Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 22-34 Google Scholar.

16. Schull, “Self-Destruction,” 2.

17. Laitin, David D., Language Repertoires and State Construction in Africa (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 5-8 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18. Muehlhaeusler and Harre, 11.

19. Townson, Michael, Mother-Tongue and Fatherland: Language and Politics in German (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), 2 Google Scholar.

20. Wardhaugh, Ronald, An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 48-50 Google Scholar.

21. Griffith, William, “On Esoteric Communications,” Studies in Comparative Communism 3, no. 1 (1970): 47 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Scott, James C., Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities (London: Verso, 1991)Google Scholar.

22. Laitin, 12–15; Pierre Bourdieu, cf., Language and Symbolic Power, ed. Thompson, John B., trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 46-49 Google Scholar.

23. Kann, Robert A., The Multinational Empire: Nationalism and National Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy 1848–1918, vol. 1 Google Scholar, Empire and Nationalities (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), 116-20Google Scholar; Jaszi, Oscar, The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929), 64-71 Google Scholar.

24. Laitin, 57–60, 94–97, 104–7.

26. Olivia Smith, The Politics of Language 1791-1819 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 1-34.

25. Lewis, Bernard, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), 426-35Google Scholar.

27. Uspenskii, Boris A., Kratkii ocherk istorii russkogo literaturnogo iazyka (XI-X1X vv.) (Moscow: Gnosis,1994)Google Scholar. We thank Gail Lenhoff for her advice on this point.

28. Apostolides, Jean-Marie, Le roi-machine: spectacle et politique au temps de Louis XIV (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1981)Google Scholar. We thank Sara Melzer for this reference.

29. O'G. Anderson, Benedict R., Language and Power: Exploring Political Cultures in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; on Javanese, see Joseph Errington, J., Language and Social Change in Java: Linguistic Reflexes of Modernization in a Traditional Royal Polity (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

30. Frangoudaki, Anna, “Diglossia and the Present Language Situation in Greece: A Sociological Approach to the Interpretation of Diglossia and Some Hypotheses on Today's Linguistic Reality,” Language in Society 21, no. 3 (1992): 365-81Google Scholar.

31. Where English uses “i.e.” or “that is” to insert a clarification of a thought, standard German uses d.h. or das heisst. Nazi German substituted the compound conjunction und damit (appoximately “and at the same time“) that “linked multiple concepts together without specifying the nature of the connection.” A change in the use of und damit enabled the nazis to vary the meaning of ordinary terms by modifying them with new associations without alerting the audience to the change in meaning. Meanwhile, das heisst, which led German audiences to expect a definition or a clarifi cation, was used instead to combine terms in opposition to some third concept whose meaning was thereby circumscribed (Eugen Seidel and Ingeborg Seidel-Slotty, Sprachwandel im Dritten Reich: Eine Kritische Untersuchung Faschistischer Einjluesse [Halle: VEB Verlag Sprache und Literatur, 1961], esp. 17-18). See also Townson, 107-50; Young, John Wesley, Totalitarian Language: Orwell's Newspeak and its Nazi and Communist Antecedents (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991)Google Scholar; Maser, Werner, Mein Kampf: Geschichte-Auszuege-Kommentaere (Esslingen: Bechtle Verlag, 1981), 51-65 Google Scholar; Bork, Siegfried, Missbrauch der Sprache. Tendenzen Nationalsozialistischer Sprachregelung (Bern: A. Francke AG Verlag, 1970)Google Scholar; Bauer, Gerhard, Sprache und Sprachlosigkeit im “Dritten Reich” (Cologne: Bund-Verlag, 1988)Google Scholar.

32. Irvine, Judith T., “Registering Affect: Heteroglossia in the Linguistic Expression of Emotion,” in Lutz, Catherine A. and Abu-Lughod, Lila, eds., Language and the Politics of Emotion (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 136-40Google Scholar.

33. Andics, E., “Szechenyi and Metternich,” Studia Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (1975), no. 105 Google Scholar; Barany, George, Stephen Szechenyi and the Awakening of Hungarian Nationalism, 1791–1841 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), 117–18, 224, 270Google Scholar.

34. Widmer, Urs, 1945 oder die “Neue Sprache” (Duesseldorf: Paedagogischer Verlag Schwann, 1966)Google Scholar.

35. Lewis, 431-36.

36. Smith, 6–9, 239–48; Daniel Rosenberg, cf., ‘“A New Sort of Logick and Critick': Etymological Interpretation in Home Tooke's The Diversions ofPurley ,” in Peter Burke and Roy Porter, eds. Language, Self and Society (Oxford: Polity Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

37. Cmiel, Kenneth, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 50-52 Google Scholar.

38. Baker, Keith Michael, “Defining the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century France: Variations on a Theme by Habermas,” in Calhoun, Craig, ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press), 192 Google Scholar.

39. Weinstein, Brian, The Civic Tongue: Political Consequences of Language Choices (New York: Longman, 1983), 10 Google Scholar.

40. Hunt, Lynn, Politics, Culture and Class in the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California, 1984), 45-48, 73Google Scholar.

41. Frangoudaki, 368–70.

42. Laitin, 38–45.

43. For more evidence of the interaction between linguistic homogeneity and democracy, see Dahl, Robert A., Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), 108-10Google Scholar.

44. Literature in English includes Wierzbicka, Anna, “Antitotalitarian Language in Poland: Some Mechanisms of Social Self-Defense,” Language in Society 19, no. 1 (1990):l-59 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Buchowski, Michal, Kronenfeld, David B., Peterman, William and Thomas, Lynn, “Language, Nineteen eighty-four, and 1989,” Language in Society 23, no. 4 (1994):555-78CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For some references in Polish, see Thorn, Francoise, Newspeak: The Language of Soviet Communism, trans. Connelly, Ken (London: Claridge Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

45. Meyer, Alfred, “The Functions of Ideology in the Soviet Political System,” Soviet Studies 17, no. 3 (1966):278 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reddaway, cf. Peter B., “Aspects of Ideological Belief in the Soviet Union,” Soviet Studies 17, no. 4 (1966):473-83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nove, Alec, “Ideology and Agriculture,” Soviet Studies 17, no. 4 (1966):397-408 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Joravsky, David, “Soviet Ideology,” Soviet Studies 18, no. 1 (1966):2-19 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barghoorn, Frederick C., “Observations on Contemporary Soviet Political Attitudes,” Soviet Studies 18, no. 1 (1966):66-70 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Daniels, Robert V., “The Ideological Vector,” Soviet Studies 18, no. 1 (1966):71-73 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bornstein, Morris, “Ideology and the Soviet Economy,” Soviet Studies 18, no. 1 (1966):74-80 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schlesinger, Rudolf, “More Observations on Ideology,” Soviet Studies 19, no. 1 (1967):87-99 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marko, Kurt, “Soviet Ideology and Sovietology,” Soviet Studies 19, no. 4 (1968):465-81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wesson, Robert G. Jr., “The Soviet State, Ideology and Patterns of Autocracy,” Soviet Studies 20, no. 2 (1968):179-86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46. Griffith, “On Esoteric Communications,” 49; Cohen, cf. Stephen F., Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography, 1888–1938 (New York: Knopf, 1973), 358-59Google Scholar; Schoepflin, George, “The Political Structure of Eastern Europe as a Factor in Intra-bloc Relations,” in Karen Dawisha and Philip Hanson, eds., Soviet-East European Dilemmas: Coercion, Competition andDissent (New York: Holmes & Meir, 1981), 65 Google Scholar; Cynkin, Thomas M., Soviet and American Signalling in the Polish Crisis (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988), 10 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

47. Seriot, Patrick, Analyse du discours politique sovietique (Paris: Institut d'etudes slaves, 1985), 45-51, 122-23, 139-59Google Scholar.

48. Nichols, J., “Nominalization and Assertion in Scientific Russian Prose,” in Haiman, J. and Thompson, S. A., eds., Clause Combining in Grammar and Discourse (Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1988)Google Scholar.

49. Vasil'eva, Alia N., Gazetno-publitsisticheskii stil1rechi (Moscow: Russkii iazyk, 1982), 5 Google Scholar.

50. Zaslavsky, Victor and Fabris, Maria, “Leksika neravenstva: k probleme razvitiia russkogo iazyka v sovetskii period,” Revue des études slaves, 54 no. 3 (1982):387-401 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51. Mickiewicz, Ellen Propper, Soviet Political Schools: The Communist Party Adult Instruction System (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967)Google Scholar; White, , Political Culture; Google Scholar Remington, Thomas F., The Truth of Authority: Ideology and Communication in the Soviet Union (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Meyer, “Political Ideologies in the Soviet Union,” 47.

52. Bourdieu, 51.

53. Scott, op. cit.

54. Zaslavsky and Fabris, 395.

55. Uspenskii, 39–40.

56. Steven Fish, M., Democracy from Scratch: Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 1995 Google Scholar; Smith, Kathleen, The Politics of the Past in the Soviet Union: Coming to Terms with Stalin's Repressions (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

57. We also coded references to the style of the text. Comments on style were infrequent relative to comments on content. Only about one quarter to one third of the respondents commented on the style of the text. Comments on style were predominantly negative and showed litde variation across periods. By contrast, comments about meaninglessness or meaningfulness were the most frequent class of comments received. These comments were identified in at least five sixths of the responses to texts from each period. The respondents’ failure to distinguish between the style of communist and post-Soviet texts is particularly remarkable in light of the large stylistic differences found by Seriot, Vasil'eva and Zaslavskii and Fabris, and reproduced in a separate study undertaken by one of the authors. The infrequency of comments on style may be attributable to the need to suppress attention to formal elements of a text in order to perform the complex processing necessary to reconstruct meaning. On inattention to form during processing of text, a phenomenon known as “automaticity,” see: Cermak, L.S. and Craik, F. I., eds., Levels of Processing in Human Memory (Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1979)Google Scholar. For quantitative evidence of the distinctive stylistics of communist Russian, see Anderson, Richard D. Jr., “'Look at All Those Nouns in a Row'— Contestation, Inclusion and the Syntax of Political Russian,” presented to the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, September 1995 Google Scholar.

58. Vasil'eva, 103.

59. The two iterations of the experiment produced inconsistent evidence concerning whether election or appointment influenced respondents’ perceptions of triteness. In both 1992 and 1993 responses to texts from the transition year (1989) did not display a statistically significant difference when compared with responses to post-Soviet texts in the frequency of assertions of triteness of political speech. Unlike the 1992 experiment, the 1993 experiment did produce a difference between responses to texts by unelected Politburo members and responses to texts by elected deputies. In 1992 assertions of triteness were equally frequent in responses to speeches by elected deputies and unelected Politburo members; in 1993, assertions of triteness were much more frequent in responses to the Politburo speeches (t = 2.88, p<.006).

60. Tulis, Jeffrey, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Kernell, Samuel, Going Public: New Strategies of Presidential Leadership (Washington: CQ Press, 1986)Google Scholar; Hinckley, Barbara, The Symbolic Presidency: How Presidents Portray Themselves (New York: Routledge, 1990)Google Scholar; Hart, Roderick P., The Sound of Leadership: Presidential Communication in the Modern Age (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1987)Google Scholar.