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Socialist Popular Literature and the Czech-German Split in Austrian Social Democracy, 1890-1914

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Abstract

By 1911 it was clear that multiethnic Austrian Social Democracy could no longer resist the currents of ethnic nationalism that had already fragmented most of the late Habsburg political scene. The exit that year of most Czech Social Democrats to form their own party, along with Austrian Germans’ insensitive reactions, signaled that workers were not immune to nationalism. The relevant historical literature has either viewed workers’ nationalism as the product of elite manipulation and “bourgeois” influence, or, more recently, has questioned the extent to which nationalism actually resonated with ordinary people at society's grassroots. Jakub Benes'š article attempts to avoid the oversimplifications of both approaches and calls for more precise engagement with workers’ own discourse. To this end, it highlights an important dimension of working-class political culture—socialist popular literature—in which proletarian authors articulated increasingly ethnic nationalist positions of a class-specific sort. Examining this influential but neglected genre illuminates how and under what circumstances workers found meaning in nationalism.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 2013

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References

1. Archiv Hlavního Mĕsta Prahy (Archive of the Capital City of Prague, AHMP), Fond Vojtĕch Berger, Book I.

2. In particular, see King, Jeremy, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans: A Local History of Bohemian Politics, 1848-1948 (Princeton, 2002);Google Scholar Judson, Pieter, Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, Mass., 2006);Google Scholar Zahra, Tara, Kidnapped Souls: National Indijference and the Battle for Children in the Bohemian Lands, 1900-1948 (Ithaca, 2008);Google Scholar and the articles on the theme “Sites of Indifference to Nation in Habsburg Central Europe” in Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012). Other important English-language works that underscore the tenuousness of nationalist mobilizations and/or use the Czech-German case to complicate conventional understandings of nationalism (often focused on the attainment of state power) include Bugge, Peter, “Czech Nation-Building, National Self-Perception and Politics, 1780-1914” (PhD diss., University of Aarhus, 1994);Google Scholar Bryant, Chad, Prague in Black: Nazi Rule and Czech Nationalism (Cambridge, Mass., 2007);Google Scholar Wingfield, Nancy M., Flag Wars and Stone Saints: How the Bohemian Lands Became Czech (Cambridge, Mass., 2007);Google Scholar Murdock, Caitlin E., Changing Places: Society, Culture, and Territory in the Saxon-Bohemian Borderlands, 1870-1946 (Ann Arbor, 2010).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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4. Brubaker, Ethnicity without Groups, 17. Emphasis in the original.

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10. Other alternatives-for example, dynasticism, religion, regionalism, and liberalism-also possessed important influence and meaning among ordinary people, but they lie outside the scope of this article.

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12. Pergher, Roberta adumbrates a similar point in “Staging the Nation in Fascist Italy's ‘New Provinces,“’ Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012): 98115 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, but then stresses the insincerity of seemingly nationalist claims made by indifferent South Tirolians.

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17. Cohen, Politics of Ethnic Survival, 13.

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28. Bahm, “The Inconveniences,” and Bahm, Karl F., “Beyond the Bourgeoisie: Rethinking Nation, Culture, and Modernity in Nineteenth-Century Central Europe,” Austrian History Yearbook 29 (January 1998): 1935.Google Scholar

29. Judson, , Guardians, 62.Google Scholar

30. On the importance of this genre as a means of active agitation and as an important discursive arena, see Brabec, Jiří, Poezie na přĕdelu doby: Vývojové tendence české poezie koncem let osmdesátých a na počátku let devadesátých X IX. století (Prague, 1964), 6668.Google Scholar

31. On Bauer, see Hanisch, Ernst, Der Große Illusionist: Otto Bauer (1881-1938) (Vienna, 2011).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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33. For a full discussion of this distinction, see Mommsen, Hans, “Otto Bauer, Karl Renner und die sozialdemokratische Nationalpolitik in Österreich von 1905 bis 1914,” in Hitchins, Keith, ed., Studies in East European Social History, vol. 1 (Leiden, 1977);Google Scholar Konrad, Helmut, “Sozialdemokratische und kommunistische Lösungsansätze zur nationalen Frage in Ost- und Mitteleuropa,” in Komad, Helmut, ed., Arbeiterbewegung und Nationale Frage in den Nachfolgestaaten der Habsburgermonarchie (Vienna, 1993);Google Scholar Konrad, Nationalismus. Compare Snyder, Nationalism, 188-90, 246-50.

34. This might reflect a difference between Reich German and Austrian socialism. Compare Lidtke, Vernon L., The Alternative Culture: Socialist Lahor in Imperial Germany (New York, 1985);Google Scholar Korff, Gottfried, “Volkskultur und Arbeiterkultur: Überlegungen am Beispiel der sozialistischen Maifesttradition,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 5, no. 1(1979): 83102.Google Scholar

35. Langewiesche, Zur Freizeit, 127-44, 174-222; Kuleman, Am Beispiel, 21-31. Both authors draw data and categories from socialist education reformer Robert Danneberg's journal Bildungsarbeit. For similar conclusions on imperial German Social Democratic culture, see Lidtke, Alternative Culture, chap. 7.

36. Brabec, Poezie, 66-83.

37. Langewiesche, Zur Freizeit, 118-19; Wolfgang Maderthaner, “'Der freie Geist, das freie Wort!’ Die Arbeiterpresse in Österreich von 1867 bis zur Jahrhundertwende,” in Maderthaner, ed. Arbeiterbewegung, 182.

38. Maderthaner, ‘“Der freie Geist,“’ 189; Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu, 75.

39. On neophytes’ preference for feuilletons, see Haberman, Gustav, Z mého života: Vzpomínky z let 1876-1877-1884-1896 (Prague, 1914), 28.Google Scholar

40. The periodical Zář published Czech worker calendars and Mayday brochures. The Arbeiter-Zeitung published Austrian German worker calendars from 1890 to 1894, before the Volksbuchhandlung took over publication. On the Volksbuchhandlung, see Schrott, Hans, Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung 1894-1934: Eine Bibliographie (Vienna, 1977).Google Scholar

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42. Protokoli des Parteitages (Vienna, 1911), 25; Protokol XI. sjezdu (Prague, 1913), 43-45.

43. Langewiesche, Zur Freizeit, 117-18, 66-68.

44. Ibid., 110-16, 174-222; Kuleman, Am Beispiel, 23-26; Lidtke, Alternative Culture, 185-89.

45. Protokoli des Parteitages 1911, 25; Bachleitner, Norbert, Eybl, Franz M., and Fischer, Ernst, Geschichte des Buchhandels in Österreich (Wiesbaden, 2000), 214–15.Google Scholar

46. Protokol X. sjezdu (Prague, 1911), 45; Protokoli des Parteitages (Vienna, 1913), 44; Zprava ku XI. sjezdu (Prague, 1913), 27-28.

47. Kořalka, Ćeši, 231; Bugge, “Czech Nation-Building,” 308. In Austria, Czech literacy was even marginally higher than German literacy.

48. Siegfried Mattl, “Austria,” in Van Der Linden and Jürgen Rojahn, eds., The Formation, 305.

49. For Social Democratic institutional history, see Margarete Grandner, “Die Entwicklung der Gewerkschaften Österreichs vor 1914,” in Maderthaner, ed., Arbeiterbewegung, 204-6; Maderthaner, Wolfgang, “Die Entstehung einer demokratischen Massenpartei: Sozialdemokratische Organisation von 1889 bis 1918,” in Maderthaner, Wolfgang and Müller, Wolfgang C., eds., Die Organisation der osterreichischen Sozialdemokratie 1889-1995 (Vienna, 1996).Google Scholar On the 1880s, see Steiner, Herbert, Die Arbeiterbewegung Österreichs, 1867-1889 (Vienna, 1964).Google Scholar On the socialist press, see Maderthaner, “'Der freie Geist,“’ 182-91.

50. Rose, Jonathan, The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes (New Haven, 2001), 4.Google Scholar

51. Šlechta, J. E., Bida ve vsi: Povídka z vesnice. LidovéKnihovny Svazek I. (Prague, 1904), back cover.Google Scholar

52. On structures of colportage, its significance, and the authorities’ prohibition of socialist party bookstores in most locations, see Langewiesche, Zur Freizeit, 108-18; Bachleitner, Eybl, and Fischer, Geschichte des Buchhandels, 231-32. For socialists leaders’ often disappointed evaluations of colporteurs, see Protokoli des Parteitages 1911, 24; Protokol VI. sjezdu (Prague, 1904) 72-74; Protokol X I. sjezdu 1913, 49-50; Protokoli des Parteitages 1913, 42.

53. Langewiescbe, Zur Freizeit, 111-16.

54. AHMP, Berger, Book I, 152.

55. On Cajtbarnl's life, work, and legacy, see Vanĕčkova-štĕpánková, Zdeňka and Ebnert, Pravoslav, Cajthamlů v Odkaz (Prague, 1996);Google Scholar and, in his own words, František Cajtbarnl, Český sever ve hnutí dĕlnickém (Prague, 1926). Cajtbarnl may bave adopted bis pseudonym from Leo Kocbmann, an earlier Czecb socialist activist wbo went into American exile in tbe late 1880s and wbo also used it. See Marki, Jaroslav, “Zpĕv pražského dĕlnictva,” in Robek, Antonín, Moravcová, Mirjam, and Štastná, Jarmila, eds., Stará dĕlnická Praha: Život a kultura pražských dĕlníků 1848-1939 (Prague, 1981), 94.Google Scholar

56. Cajtbaml contributed to the May brocbures in 1901, 1904, and 1905 and to tbe worker calendars in 1896, 1900, 1903, and 1914.

57. On these parties, see Kelly, Mills T., Without Remorse: Czech National Socialism in Late-Habsburg Austria (Boulder, Colo., 2006)Google Scholar and Whiteside, Andrew G., The Socialism of Fools (Berkeley, 1975).Google Scholar

58. See Kořalka, , Češi, 264 Google Scholar; Unfried, Berthold, “Der tschechische und der deutsche Sozialismus in Österreich und die nationale Frage,” in Winkelbauer, Thomas, ed., Kontakte und Konflikt. Böhmen, Mähren und Österreich: Aspekte eines fahrtausends gemeinsamer Geschichte (Waidhofen an der Thaya, 1993), 315.Google Scholar Still, Social Democratic leaders alarmed by these parties’ modest inroads devoted increasing attention to them.

59. According to annual Habsburg Ministry of the Interior reports on Oie socialdemokratische und anarchistische Bewegung (SDAB) from the ÖsterreichischesStaatsarchiv, Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv, Vienna (AVA), Social Democracy was by far the largest workers’ organization. From 1890, anarchists attracted a shrinking fringe of workers while Christian Socials and various radical nationalist parties could only make limited inroads among workers beyond a few artisanal trades. See AVA-SDAB 1892, 53; 1893, 52-60; 1894, 53-57; 1895, 67-68; 1896, 53-58; 1899, 28. On the Christian Social party, see Boyer's, John seminal studies: Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna: Origins of the Christian Social Movement, 1848-1897 (Chicago, 1981) and Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna: Christian Socialism in Power, 1897-1918 (Chicago, 1995).Google Scholar

60. Compare Olga Skalníková, “Společenský život dĕlnictva v Praze,” in Robek, Moravcová, and Štastná, eds., Stará dĕlnická Praha.

61. See Kochmann, Leo's wistful 1888 proletarian version of the Czech national anthem, “Kde domov mů j?” (Where Is My Home?), in Zpĕvník českých delnickych pisní (New York, 1888), 10.Google Scholar

62. On the significance of this genre and its key exponents-including Cajthaml, V. David, Krapka, and others-see Brabec, Poezie, 66-72.

63. Liberté, V. L. [F. Cajthaml], Mráčky před bouří: Drobné povfdky a obrázky ze života dĕnického (Most, 1893), 1533.Google Scholar

64. Ibid., 19.

65. See Zahra, Kidnapped Souls, chap. 1.

66. On Czech workers’ superficial inclusion in the purportedly all-national Sokol, see Skalníková, “Společenský život,” 65-66.

67. Liberté [Cajthaml], Mráčky, 19-23.

68. Schuhmeier, Franz, ed., Der Rothe Declamator nebst einem Anhange von Liedern (Vienna, 1893), 1213.Google Scholar I am grateful to Rudolf Graeter for assisting with this translation.

69. See Rak, Jiří, Bývali Čechove: Česke Historické Mýty a Stereotypy (Prague, 1994), esp. 5166;Google Scholar Čornej, Petr, Lipanské Ozvĕny (Prague, 1995);Google Scholar Wingfield, Flag Wars,4.

70. Náchodský, Josef Krapka, Z rů znych kruhU: Drobné povídky (Prague, 1894).Google Scholar “Co ta lípa vypravuje” is the first story in this collection.

71. See Šolle, Zdenĕk, “Die Maifeiern der tschechischen Arbeiterbewegung in Österreich (1890-1918),” in Maderthaner, Wolfgang and Maier, Michaela, eds., Archiv. Jahrbuch des Vereins für Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, vol. 6 (Vienna, 1990), 170.Google Scholar For Krapka's biography, see Franĕk, Otakar, Rebel a bánsník: Okamžiky života dĕlnickeho politika a bánsníka Josefa Krapky-Nachodskeho (Hradec Králové, 1982).Google Scholar

72. Náchodský, Josef Krapka, Z rů zných kruhů : Drobné povídky (Prague, 1894), 7.Google Scholar

73. Ibid., 7-8.

74. On the maudlin character of this genre, see Brabec, Poezie, 69-71.

75. The parody appears already in Most, Johann, ed., Neuestes Proletarier-Liederbuch von verschiedenen Arbeiterdichtern, 4th ed. (Chemnitz, 1873), 2829.Google Scholar See Lidtke, Alternative Culture, 124-26. It appeared in Austrian proletarian songbooks in the 1890s. See Stein, Viktor, ed., Oesterreichisches Proletarier-Liederbuch, 3d rev. ed. (Vienna, 1905).Google Scholar

76. Marki, , “Zpĕv,'’ 85, 94-98, 105.Google Scholar This applied to other Austrian political camps that, like the workers’ movement, often composed new, topically relevant versions of familiar songs and used borrowed melodies. See Wingfield, , Flag Wars, 44, 61.Google Scholar

77. Wingfield, , Flag Wars,esp. 45;Google Scholar Julia, Schmid, Kampf um das Deutschtum: Radikaler Nationalismus in Österreich und dem deutschen Reich 1890-1914 (Frankfurt, 2009), 126–28.Google Scholar In the German Reich, the “Deutschlandlied” had precedence.

78. Stein, , ed., Oesterreichisches Proletarier-Liederbuch, 83.Google Scholar

79. King, , Budweisers, 74, 80-86.Google Scholar

80. Brouček, Stanislav et al., Mýtus českeho národa aneb Národopisná výstava českoslovanská 1895 (Prague, 1996).Google Scholar

81. Skalniková, , “Společenský život,” 6264.Google Scholar

82. David, Vilém, Dojmy z výstavy: Upomínka na národopisnou výstavu roku 1895 (Prague, 1897).Google Scholar

83. Ibid., 37-39.

84. Another difference was Austrian Germans’ close ties to Reich German socialists.

85. On the declaration, see Bugge, “Czech Nation-Building,” 218; Šolle, Socialistické dĕlnické hnutí, 21.

86. Soukup, František, ed., Počátek obratu: Pamĕtní brožura o manifestaci míru (Prague, 1897).Google Scholar See also Unfried, “Der tschechische,” 314; Wingfield, Flag Wars, 62.

87. Čornej, , Lipanské Ozvĕny, 103–13.Google Scholar

88. Although they neglect cultural dynamics, the following works underscore the utopian promise that Austrian socialists saw in suffrage reform: Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie, esp. 362-85; Ucakar, Karl, Demokratie und Wahlrecht in Österreich: Zur Entwicklung von politischer Partizipation und staatlicher Legitimationspolitik (Vienna, 1985), 225–30;Google Scholar Schöffer, Peter, Der Wahlrechtskampf der österreichischen Sozialdemokratie 1888/9-1897 (Wiesbaden, 1986);Google Scholar Sewering-Wollanek, Marlis, Brot oder Nationalität? Nordwestböhmische Arbeiterbewegung im Brennpunkt der Nationalitätenkonflikte (1889-1911) (Marburg, 1994), 200208, 224-25.Google Scholar See also Urban, Otto, Die tschechische Gesellschaft 1848 bis 1918, trans. Schlegel, Henning (Vienna, 1994), 756–85, 813-15;Google Scholar Kořalka, Češi, 259-64.

89. Gary Cohen sees this as a promising research direction. Cohen, “Nationalist Politics and the Dynamics of State and Civil Society in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1867-1914,” Central European History 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 241–78.

90. Discussing this proprietary stance in very general terms are Unfried, “Der tschechische“; Fasora, Dĕlník, 382.

91. For example, see the 1909 Czech party congress debate, quoted in Löw, Der Zerfall, 238-92.

92. For example, “Nationale Sonntagsvergnügungen,” Arbeiter-Zeitung, 15 August 1909, 1-2. On the outraged Czech socialist response to this article, see Národní Archiv, Prague, Fond Prezidium Místodržitelství 1900-1910, Carton 3570, Sig. 8/1/17/8, Letter from Police Commissioner Křikava to lnterior Ministry, 27 August 1909.

93. Oesterreichischer Arbeiter-Kalendar für das Jahr 1904 (Vienna, 1904), 74-83.

94. Readers would immediately recognize “Wenzel” as shorthand in Viennese folk culture for any Czech bumpkin. Numerous satirical songs mercilessly lampooned “Wenzels.” See Haberman, , Z mého života, 34.Google Scholar

95. For “big cornflower eyes,” see Hanusch, Ferdinand, Die Namenlosen: Geschichten aus dem Leben der Arbeiter und Armen (Vienna, 1910), 19.Google Scholar For radical German nationalism, see Whiteside, The Socialism of Fools, 188-89; Höbelt, Lothar, Kornblume und Kaiseradler (Munich, 1993).Google Scholar

96. Hanusch, Ferdinand, Lazarus: Eine Jugendgeschichte (Vienna, 1912), 124.Google Scholar

97. Compare Zahra, Kidnapped Souls, 20-21, 26. For a good introduction to the minority school issue, see Glettler, Monika, Die Wiener Tschechen um 1900: Strukturanalyse einer nationalen Minderheit in der Großstadt (Munich, 1972), 277.Google Scholar

98. Šlechta, J. E., Život za život: Lidové Knihovny. Ročník VI.,Svazek II. (Prague, 1909), “Boj za Právo,” 86144.Google Scholar

99. Ibid., 90.

100. Ibid., 100-144.

101. See Judson, Pieter, “Nationalizing Rural Landscapes, 1880-1914,” in Wingfield, Nancy M., ed., Creating the Other: Ethnic Conflict and Nationalism in Habsburg Central Europe (New York, 2003), 144;Google Scholar Judson, Guardians, chap. 2. On the actual social-political context of the Czech-German language frontier, see Cornwall, Mark, “The Struggle on the Czech-German Language Border, 1880-1940,English Historical Review 109, no. 433 (September 1994): 914–51.Google Scholar

102. For other instances of German workers’ sympathy for Czech schooling rights, see Houfek, “Nacionalizace společnosti,” 303.

103. Other examples on the school question include Foltýn, [Josef Stivin], VičíMaky: Verše a karikatury 1901-1908 (Prague, 1908), 83, 84;Google Scholar and David, Vilda, Proslovy (Prague, 1914), 34.Google Scholar On the German side, multinational realities were generally ignored altogether, reinforcing a condescending stance when they did appear, as in Werkmann, Josef's, “Artige Kinder,” in Oesterreichischer Arbeiter-Kalendar für das Jahr 1905 (Vienna, 1905), 7174.Google Scholar

104. AHMP, Berger, Book I, 90. On the importance of this club, see Monika Glettler, “The Acculturation of Czechs in Vienna,” in Hoerder, ed., Lahor Migration, 302-4.

105. AHMP, Berger, Book I, 90.

106. Ibid., 114-15. On this incident, see Galandauer, Bohumír Šmeral, 168.

107. AHMP, Berger, Book I, 141.

108. Ibid., 55.

109. Ibid., 138. On the rally itself, see Nolte, Claire E., The Sokol in the Czech Lands to 1914 (New York, 2002), chap. 9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

110. Maderthaner, “Die Entstehung,” 65-72.

111. On nationalism's narrative dimension and emotional appeal, see Hogan, Patrick Colm, Understanding Nationalism: On Narrative, Cognitive Science, and Identity (Columbus, 2009), 168;Google Scholar Wingfield, Flag Wars, 15; and Macura, Vladimír, Znamení Zrodu: České obrození jako kulturní typ, 2d ed. (Prague, 1995).Google Scholar

112. Antonio Gramsci's term organic intellectual denotes an intellectual tied to the interests of his/her class-especially significant for working-class revolutionary politics. See Forgacs, David, ed., A Gramsci Reader: Selected Writings, 1916-1935 (London, 1988), 300311;Google Scholar and Joll, James, Antonio Gramsci (New York, 1977), 120–23.Google Scholar