Several people have read and commented on different versions of this article. My warmest thanks go to Renate Lachmann, Jeff Love, David Nirenberg, Mark D. Steinberg, and the two anonymous readers who reviewed this article for Slavic Review.

1. See, for example, Nickell, William, The Death of Tolstoy: Russia on the Eve, Astapovo Station, 1910 (Ithaca, 2010). Anniversary Essays on Tolstoy, ed. Orwin, Donna Tussing (Cambridge., Eng., 2010)Google Scholar also contains a number of interesting essays on the later Tolstoi, including those by Irina Paperno, "Leo Tolstoy's Correspondence with Nikolai Strakhov: The Dialogue on Faith," 96-119; Justin Weir, "Violence and the Role of Drama in the Late Tolstoy: The Realm of Darkness," 183-98; and Michael A. Denner, "The 'Proletarian Lord': Leo Tolstoy's Image during the Russian Revolutionary Period," 219-43.

2. As Georgii Plekhanov suggested in 1928, the young Soviet culture could accept Tolstoi "only so far" (otsiuda i dosiuda)—a restriction whose damaging influence is still felt in Tolstoi studies. Although War and Peace, unlike many other works by Tolstoi, has never been excluded from the canon, the "otsiuda i dosiuda" approach has had a decisive influence on the reception and interpretation of this text as well. See Nickell, William, “Tolstoi in 1828: In the Mirror of the Revolution,” in Piatt, Kevin M. F. and Brandenberger, David, eds., Epic Revisionism: Russian Literature and History as Stalinist Propaganda (Madison, 2006), 17–43 Google Scholar.

3. In the wake of the Bolshevik revolution Russian intellectuals (particularly those in exile) tried to reevaluate Tolstoi's legacy. A fervid debate broke out concerning Tolstoi's relationship to Christianity in general and to the Russian Ortiiodox Church in particular. Some (such as, for instance, Mark Aldanov) believed that at the end of his life, Tolstoi, sensing the approach of death, wanted to reconcile with the church, from which he had been excommunicated. Others (like Ivan Bunin) have interpreted Tolstoi's escape from his home in Iasnaia Poliana as a sign of his continual quest for freedom. See Aldanov, Mark, Zagadka Tolstogo (Providence, 1969)Google Scholar; Bunin, Ivan, Liberation of Tolstoy: A Tale of Two Writers, ed. and trans. Marullo, Thomas Gaiton and Khmelkov, Vladimir T. (Evanston, 2001)Google Scholar. For a more balanced as well as a more complex view, see Merezhkovskii, Dmitrii, Tolstoi iDostoevskii (Moscow, 2000).Google Scholar More recendy, the question of Tolstoi's relationship to Orthodoxy and, more broadly, to the religious culture of his time has been thoroughly analyzed by Medzhibovskaya, Inessa, Tolstoy and the Religious Culture of His Time: A Biography of a Long Conversion, 1845-1887 (Lanham, Md., 2008).Google Scholar

4. Other scholars who have tried to evaluate Tolstoi's oeuvre as a whole and describe what Tolstoi's contemporaries would call Tolstoi's "character" include Richard Gustafson and Gary Saul Morson. I do not discuss Gustafson here because his perspective on Tolstoi emphasizes the eastern dieological roots of Tolstoi's outlook; a valuable interpretation, yet one at odds with my own aims. Morson, like Berlin, stresses Tolstoi's liberal side. His study, however, looks at Tolstoi as the author of War and Peace, a temporal framework that I am trying to transcend. See Gustafson, Richard, Leo Tolstoy, Resident and Stranger: A Study in Fiction and Theology (Princeton, 1986)Google Scholar; and Morson, Gary Saul, Hidden in Plain View: Narrative and Creative Potentials in War and Peace (Stanford, 1987).Google Scholar

5. Berlin, Isaiah, “Tolstoy and Enlightenment,” Encounter 16, no. 2 (1961): 29-40Google Scholar; Berlin, The Hedgehog and the Fox: An Essay on Tolstoy's View of History (New York, 1953). Both essays were subsequently republished in Berlin, Russian Thinkers (London, 1994), 22-81 , 238-60.

6. The tradition of underemphasizing Tolstoi's philosophical depth and aesthetic intelligence seems to have been initiated by writers rather than professional philosophers. Thus, Gustave Flaubert complained about Tolstoi's long philosophical digressions, while Henry James dismissed Tolstoi's work as a "loose, baggy monster." James, Henry, “The Preface” to The Tragic Muse (New York, 1908), 10.Google Scholar The next generation of Anglo-American critics continued to promote James's view of Tolstoi as an artist endowed with a brilliant insight yet lacking cultivation and taste. See, for example, Lubbock, Percy, The Craft of Fiction (London, 1921).Google Scholar For a more balanced view, which takes into account the Anglo-American emphasis on the organic wholeness of a work of art and yet also does justice to Tolstoi's intellectual ambition and daring aesthetic, see Wasiolek, Edward, Tolstoy's Major Fiction (Chicago, 1978).Google Scholar

7. See Mikhailovskii, N. K., “Desnitsa i shuitsa L'va Tolstogo,” Literaturno-kriticheskie stal'i (Moscow, 1957), 59–180.Google Scholar Berlin's calls his own essay "Tolstoy and Enlightenment" an "extended gloss on Mikhailovskii's 'The Right and the Left Hand of Lev Tolstoy.'" Berlin, Russian Thinkers, 238.

8. Mikhailovskii, "Desnitsa i shuitsa L'va Tolstogo," 59-180.

9. Berlin's image of Tolstoi as a deeply divided thinker permeates both of his famous essays on Tolstoi.

10. This dictum serves as the epigraph to The Hedgehog and the Fox. E.-M. de Vogue, Le roman russe (Paris, 1886); de Vogüé, The Russian Novel, trans. H. A. Sawyer (New York, 1916).

11. See Tolstoi, L. N., Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 90 vols. (Moscow, 1928-58; hereafter PSS), 8:212.Google Scholar

12. Boris Eikhenbaum argued that pedagogy was, for Tolstoi, a temporary diversion from serious literary activity. See Eikhenbaum, Lev Tolstoj, 2 vols. (Munich, 1968), 2:37-109. I disagree with Eikhenbaum on this point and see instead a strong connection between Tolstoi's literary work and his lifelong investment in the issues of personal improvement and national education. On the one hand, Tolstoi's understanding of education was strongly influenced by the Enlightenment tradition, including not only the French philosophes but, most crucially, Rousseau, Herder, Humboldt, and other German theorists of education. He also kept abreast of contemporary debates on "democratic education." While in Britain, he met with Matthew Arnold, who had already authored On the Democratic Education of France (1861) and was one of the leaders of the educational reform movement in Britain. Tolstoi's essays, "O narodnom obrazovanii," "O metodakh obucheniia gramote," "Proekt obschego plana ustroistva narodnykh uchilisch," and "Vospitanie i obrazovanie," all of which were originally published in Tolstoi's journal, Iasnaia Poliana, show just how deeply invested in this issue Tolstoi really was and how hard he worked to apply his theoretical knowledge to the needs of contemporary Russia. All these key essays by Tolstoi on education are republished in volume 8 of Tolstoi's PSS. Tolstoi's major peda-gogical essays are also available in English: Leo Tolstoy, On Education, trans. Leo Wiener (Chicago, 1967).

13. Berlin, Russian Thinkers, 258.

14. The literature on the German notion of self-cultivation or Bildung is vast. See Gadamer, H. G., Truth and Method, trans. Weinsheimer, Joel and Marshall, Donald G. (London, 1975)Google Scholar; Bruford, W. H., The German Tradition of Self-Cultivation: Bildung from Humboldt to Thomas Mann (Cambridge, Eng., 1975);Google Scholar Schmidt, James, ed., What Is Enlightenment? Eighteenth-Century Answers and Twentieth-Century Questions (Berkeley, 1996).Google Scholar A very useful overview of the German history of self-cultivation is found in Hannah Arendt's "Review of Hans Weil, The Emergence of the German Principle of 'Bildung,'" in Hannah Arendt, Reflec-tions on Literature and Culture, ed. with an introduction by Susannah Young-Ah Gottlieb (Stanford, 2007), 24-30.

15. Mann, Thomas, “Goethe and Tolstoy,” Three Essays, trans. Lowe-Porter, H. T. (New York, 1929), 3–142.Google Scholar

16. See especially Orwin, Donna Tussing, Tolstoy's Art and Thought: 1847-1880 (Princeton, 1993).Google Scholar See also Koelb, Clayton, ed., Thomas Mann's "Goethe and Tolstoy ": Notes and Sources, trans. Scott, Alcyone and Koelb, Clayton (Tuscaloosa, 1984).Google Scholar Among the more recent works that offer illuminating insights on the Goethe-Tolstoi connection is Medzhibovskaya, Tolstoi and the Religious Culture of His Time, 60-74, 140-43.

17. See especially Skaftymov, A., “Obraz Kutuzova i filosofiia istorii v romane L. Tolstogo, 'Voina i mir,'” Nravstevennye iskaniia russkikh pisatelei: Stat'i i issledovaniia o russkikh klassikakh (Moscow, 1972), 182–217 Google Scholar. Among western scholars, Donna Orwin deserves special credit for not only placing Tolstoi within the intellectual atmosphere of his age, strongly colored by Hegelianism, but also attempting to unmask certain similarities in Tolstoi's and Hegel's philosophical methodology. See Orwin, Tolstoy's Art and Thought; for a detailed gloss on the history of scholarship witiS regard to Hegel's presence in Tolstoi, see 15-16.

18. Eikhenbaum comments on Tolstoi's dislike of Hegel's philosophy. See Eikhenbaum, , Lev Tolstoi: Semidesiatyegody (Leningrad, 1960), 109.Google Scholar

19. In speaking about Tolstoi's view of history I have chosen to stress Herder's role as a possible influence at the expense of analyzing Tolstoi's debt to Herzen. There are two reasons for this choice. First, two relationship between Herzen and Tolstoi is by now a well-examined topic. Critical literature on Tolstoi and Herzen includes Rozanova's, S. classic study entitled Tolstoi i Gertsen (Moscow, 1974)Google Scholar; Rzhevsky, Nicholas, “The Shape of Chaos: Herzen and War and Peace, ” Russian Review 34, no. 4 (October 1975): 367–81, and a number of other studies.CrossRefGoogle Scholar This topic can be further developed only if we examine more thoroughly the intellectual origins of Herzen's philosophy. As can be gleaned from Herzen's Pis'ma ob izucheniiprirody (1845-46), young Herzen was strongly influenced by Herder, young Friedrich Schelling (himself a pupil of Herder's), and other German think-ers who had been taught by Herder. See A. I. Herzen, Pis'ma ob izuchenii prirody (Moscow, 1946), 50.

20. The eighteenth-century understanding of "organism" as a revitalized form of Spinozism, which at the same time was indebted to Leibniz, has recendy been elucidated by Beiser, Frederick C. in a series of works, including The Romantic Imperative: The Concept of Early German Romanticism (Cambridge, Mass., 2003), 137–49.Google Scholar See also Beiser's earlier works: The Fate of Reason: German Philosophy from Kant to Fichte (Cambridge, Mass., 1986); German Idealism: The Struggle against Subjectivism, 1781-1801 (Cambridge, Mass., 2002).

21. For an illuminating discussion of Herder's role in the so-called Pantheism Con-troversy aroused by the reintroduction of Spinoza to the German philosophical scene, see Beiser, The Fate of Reason, 158-64.

22. See Eikhenbaum, Lev Tolstoj, 2:248-332. Eikhenbaum also discusses the possible influence of Henry Buckle's philosophy of history on Tolstoi. Ibid., 2:220, 319-57.

23. James, William, Varieties of Religious Experience (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), 109–77.Google Scholar

24. Irina Paperno shows that in his early diaries Tolstoi was preoccupied with self-analysis and noted, very meticulously, every time he failed to improve. See Paperno, Irina, “Tolstoy's Diaries: The Inaccessible Self,” in Engelstein, Laura and Sandler, Stephanie, eds., Self and Story in Russian History (Ithaca, 2000), 242–65.Google Scholar

25. See Gusev, N. N., Letopis' zhiznii tvorchestvaL. N. Tolstogo (Moscow, 1958), 183–217 Google Scholar. Piecing together information from Tolstoi's diaries and other personal sources, Tolstoi's former secretary Gusev describes Tolstoi's trip to Weimar in detail. See Gusev, , Lev Nikolaevich Tolstoi: Materialy k biografii s 1855 po 1869 god (Moscow, 1957), 425.Google Scholar

26. Eikhenbaum discusses Tolstoi's trip to Germany and his reaction to authors like Riehl and Frobel. See Eikhenbaum, Lev Tolstoj, 2:49-125. Frobel was a particularly influential figure in contemporary western educational theory. For more on his pedagogical philosophy (also indebted to Rousseau, Johann H. Pestalozzi, and Herder), see Froebel, Friedrich, Autobiography, trans, and annotated by Michaelis, Emilie and Keadey Moore, H. (Syracuse, 1889).Google Scholar

27. In this regard, the subtitle of Medzhibovskaya's book, A Biography of a Long Conversion, 1845-1887, seems especially appropriate.

28. For prior discussions of the relationship between Tolstoi and Herder, see Krasnov, G., “Herder und Lev Tolstoj,” Zeilschrift für Slawistik 6 (1961): 415–33Google Scholar; Carden, Patricia, “The Expressive Self in War and Peace ” Canadian-American Slavic Studies 12 (1978): 519–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Krasnov's is a purely historical-philological study; Carden's study offers an intriguing possibility of reading the character of Pierre along the lines of Charles Taylor's idea of the modern self as a developing and "expressive" self—a conception that can be traced back to Herder's philosophy of language and education (or Bildung in Herder's understanding of this term, i.e., not as the mechanical acquisition of skills but as an organic development that broadens the soul along with one's intellectual horizons).

29. Gottfried Herder, Johann, Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit, ed. Bollacher, Martin, in Herder Werke in zehn Banden (Frankfurt am Main, 1989), 6:9–898.Google Scholar

30. A copy of Vestnik Evropy, which contains Herder's article, is preserved in the library at Iasnaia Poliana. See Biblioteka L'va Nikolaevicha Tolstogo v lasnoi Poliane (Moscow, 1978), 2:19.

31. Tolstoi, PSS, 13:408. 32. See drafts to War and Peace, ibid., 13:369.

33. On Herder's place in the history of Russian Masonic thought, see A. N. Pypin, Russkoe masonstvo (Petrograd, 1916), and A. I. Serkov, Istoriia russkogo masonstva XIX veka (St. Petersburg, 2000).

34. Herder discusses metempsychosis in several works, most notably, in the essay "Ueber the Seelenwandrung: Drei Gesprache," in Herder Werke, 4:425-74. The idea of metem-psychosis was important to Tolstoi in the earlier stages of his work on War and Peace but eventually receded to the plane of secondary thoughts, perhaps because Tolstoi was not fully convinced by Herder's radically monistic metaphysics. For an alternative vision of the role of metempsychosis in Tolstoi, see Vinitsky's, Ilya essay, “The Worm of Doubt: Prince Andrei's Deaui and Russian Spiritual Awakening of the 1860s,” in Orwin, ed., Anniversary Essays on Tolstoy, 120–37.Google Scholar

35. The English translations are quoted from Leo Tolstoy, War and Peace, trans. Richard Pevear and Larissa Volokhonsky (New York, 2007), 388-89.

36. Ibid., 389.

37. G. W. Spence, Tolstoi the Ascetic (London, 1967), 34.

38. Tolstoy, War and Peace, 384.

39. Ibid., 388.

40. On the close tie to the rationalists, Hans Adler and Ernest A. Menze point out that Herder's chapter 6, book 5 of the Ideas, "The Present State of Humankind Is Probably the Connecting Link between Two Worlds," is strongly influenced by Leibniz and Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. See Herder, , On World History: An Anthology, ed. Adler, Hans and Menze, Ernest A., trans. Ernest A. Menze with Michael Palma (New York, 1997), 156.Google Scholar

41. Tolstoy, War and Peace, 1178.

42. For a more detailed discussion of this issue, see an interesting recent article by Ani Kokobobo, "Authoring Jesus: Novelistic Echoes in Tolstoi's Harmonization and Translation of the Four Gospels," Tolstoy Studies Journal 20 (2008): 1-13.

43. The polemic between Herder and Kant is the central theme of Beiser's book The Fate of Reason, in which he develops some of the insights already expressed by Isaiah Berlin in his essay on Herder in Three Critics of the Enlightenment: Vico, Hamann, Herder, ed. Henry Hardy (Princeton, 2000).

44. See Kant, Immanuel, “Reviews of Herder's Ideas on the Philosophy of History of Mankind,” in Kant, Political Writings, ed. Reiss, H. S. (Cambridge, Eng., 1991), 201–20.Google Scholar

45. Herder, Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit, in Herder Werke, 4:9-108. There are some important differences between Herder's earlier works on the philosophy of history (most crucially his 1774 essay "This Too a Philosophy of History for the Formation of Humanity") and the later Herder of the Ideas. This difference primarily concerns the question of historical progress. See Forster, Michael N., “Introduction,” to Herder, Philosophical Works, trans, and ed. Forster, Michael N. (Cambridge, Eng., 2002), vii-xxxv.Google Scholar

46. Some critics—for example, Wasiolek—see Pierre as the most successful of Tolstoi's characters, the one who attains happiness and is therefore the true hero of the novel. Others, notably, Orwin, read Andrei's and Pierre's quests as mutually illuminating and complimentary. I find myself in agreementwith the latter view. See Wasiolek, Tolstoy's Major Fiction, 84-94; Orwin, Tolstoy's Art and Thought, 99-140.

47. Tolstoy, War and Peace, 1015.

48. Ibid., 1064-65.

49. This skepticism is evident in the "Older Critical Forestlet" (1767-68) where Herder suggests that a historian is incapable of seeing history as a whole. Only the creator can do this. In later works, such as "This Too a Philosophy of History" and especially Ideas, however, Herder claims that history does most likely have a meaningful purpose, namely the realization of reason and "humanity," but he continues to harbor doubts about whether this rational design can be adequately described by a human observer. Letters 121 and 122 from the tenth collection of Letters for the Advancement of Humanity reveal these reservations. See Herder Werke, 7:731-42.

50. Eikhenbaum, Lev Tolstoi, 114-18.

51. See Gusev, Lev Nikolaevich Tolstoi, 678.

52. On the dating of this work (which is rather problematic), see Boris Eikhenbaum's commentary in Tolstoi, PSS, 28:853-54.

53. Ispoved', in PSS, 23:1-59.

54. O zhizni, in PSS, 28:313-442.

55. Biblioteka L'va Nikolaevicha Tolstogo v Iasnoi Poliane, 3. Schleiermacher was deeply indebted to Herder. On this topic, see Forster, Michael, After Herder: Philosophy of Language in the German Tradition (Oxford, 2010).Google Scholar Part 3 of this study is dedicated to Schleiermacher.

56. Schleiermacher, F. D., On Religion: Speeches to Its Cultured Despisers, ed. Crouter, Richard (Cambridge, Eng., 1996).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

57. Kant, Immanuel, Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone, trans. Greene, T. M. and Hudson, H. H. (New York, 1960).Google Scholar

58. Kant, Immanuel, “Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose,” Kant's Political Writings, ed. Reiss, H. S. (Cambridge, Eng., 1991), 41–53.Google Scholar

59. Schleiermacher, On Religion, 24.

60. Irina Paperno discusses Tolstoi's correspondence with Nikolai Strakhov as a dialogue on faith in "Leo Tolstoi's Correspondence with Nikolai Strakhov: A Dialogue on Faith," in Orwin, ed., Anniversary Essays on Tolstoy, 96-119. For an interesting discussion of this topic, see Orwin, Donna, “Strakhov's World as a Whole: A Missing Link between Dostoevsky and Tolstoi,” in O'Neil, Catherine, Boudreau, Nicole, and Krive, Sarah, eds., Poetics, Self, Place: Essays in Honor of Anna Lisa Crone (Bloomington, 2007), 473–93.Google Scholar

61. Tolstoi, Leo and Strakhov, Nikolai, Polnoe sobranie perepiski, ed. Donskov, A. A., 2 vols. (Ottawa, 2003), 1:235.Google Scholar

62. Tolstoi, O zhizni, in PSS, 26:313-442. I think that Tolstoi borrowed the formulation "razumnoie soznanie" from Herzen's "Robert Owen," one of the chapters from Book 6 of My Past and Thoughts. Tolstoi read this chapter in March 1861 and found Herzen's depiction of Owen extremely congenial to his own views about a well-developed human personality. See Tolstoi's letter to Herzen from 14 March 1860 in PSS, 60:373-75.

63. On the history of the composition and publication of "What Is Art?" see V. S. Mishin's commentary in Tolstoi, PSS, 30:509-54. Critical literature on "What Is Art?" is extensive. The publication of this treatise provoked a wave of critical responses in the 1820s and 1830s, including a book by the first English translator of Tolstoi's treatise, Aylmer Maude, Tolstoy on Art and Its Critics (London, 1925). For a detailed bibliography of earlier scholarship, see Egan, David R. and Egan, Melinda A., Leo Tolstoy: An Annotated Bibliography of English-Language Sources to 1978 (Metuchen, N.J., 1979).Google Scholar Important recent works on this topic include Emerson, Caryl, “What Is Infection and What Is Expression in What Is Art? ” in Donskov, Andrew and Wordsworth, John, eds., Lev Tolstoy and the Concept of Brotherhood (New York, 1996), 102–15.Google Scholar See also Emerson, Caryl, “Tolstoi's Aesthetics,” in Tussing Orwin, Donna, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Tolstoy (Cambridge, Eng., 2002), 237–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Emerson, Caryl and Medzhibovskaya, Inessa, “Dostoevsky, Tolstoi, Bakhun on Art and Immortality,” in Renfrew, Alastair and Tihanov, Galin, eds., Critical Theory in Russia and the West (London, 2010), 26–43 Google Scholar; Rimvydas Silbarjoris, Tolstoys Aesthetics and His Art (Columbus, 1991); see also Gary Saul Morson's review essay, "The Tolstoy Questions: Reflections on the Silbarjoris Theses," Tolstoy Studies Journal 4 (1991): 115-41.

64. Tolstoi, "Chto takoe iskusstvo?" in PSS, 30:303-427.

65. Ibid., 30:59.

66. Ibid., 30:65.

67. Caryl Emerson offers a clear explication of the precise meanings of the oppositions "good" (motivated by a pursuit of goodness and brotherhood ) versus "bad" (motivated by selfishness) and "true" (sincere) versus "counterfeit" (nonsincere) art in Tolstoi's treatise in her article "Tolstoi's Aesthetics," 239.

68. Tolstoi, PSS, 30:68, 158-59.

69. Ispoved', in PSS, 23:8.

70. Ibid., 23:8-15.

71. See Mendelssohn's essays "Rhapsody or Additions to the Letters on Sentiments"; "On the Ability to Know, the Ability to Feel, and the Ability to Desire"; and "On the Question: What Does 'to Enlighten' Mean?" all published in Mendelssohn, Moses, Philosophical Writings, trans, and ed. Dahlstrom, Daniel O. (Cambridge, Eng., 1997), 131–68; 307-10; 311-17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

72. "Chto takoe iskusstvo?" in PSS, 30:303-427, 194.

73. There is substantial literature on the concept of brotherhood in Tolstoi. See, for example, Donskov and Wordsworth, eds., Lev Tolstoy and the Concept of Brotherhood, and A. Donskov, G. Galagan, and L. Gromova, Edinenie liudei v tvorchestue L. N. Tolstogo: Fragmenty rukopisei (Ottawa, 2002).

74. See "Chto takoe iskusstvo?" in PSS, 30:68.

75. Aesthietic or artistic education is the cornerstone of Schleiermacher's ethics. Thanks to art and music, human beings develop what Schleiermacher calls the "moments of affection" (Affektionmomente) that help us become more responsive to beauty. This sensibility is inherent in the soul and is the key to all religious and ethical education, according to Schleiermacher, who, like Tolstoi, was deeply interested in Plato all his life. See Schleiermacher, Pädagogischen Schriften (1826 Lectures), 2 vols. (Düsseldorf, 1957). See also Thandeka, "Schleiermacher, Feminism, and Liberation Theologies: A Key," and Jacqueline Marina, "Christology and Anthropology in Friedrich Schleiermacher," both in Jacqueline Marina, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Friedrich Schleiermacher (Cambridge, Eng., 2005), 287-306,151-70.

76. See V chem moia vera? in PSS, 23:304-468, esp. 334.

77. Schleiermacher, On Religion, 53-54.

78. Tolstoi, PSS, 54:270.

79. "Chto takoe iskusstvo?" in PSS, 30:148.

80. Herder's image of the "chain of Bildung" can be found in "This Too a Philosophy of History," in Herder, Philosophical Works, 335.

81. For a fuller understanding of this idea, see chapters 16-19 of "Chto takoe iskusstvo?" in PSS, 30:151-95.