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Crimea vs. Donbas: How Putin Won Russian Nationalist Support—and Lost it Again

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Abstract

The article analyzes how the nationalist segment of the Russian public has engaged in attempts to interpret and evaluate the Crimean annexation and the war in Donbass. The Crimean annexation was justifi ed in the Kremlin by a novel use of nationalist rhetoric. Initially, this rhetoric paid off particularly well—boosting Putin’s popularity ratings and endearing him to virtually all Russian nationalists. He could present himself as the foremost defender both of ethnic Russians abroad and of Russia’s state interests, stealing the thunder from Russian ethnonationalists and the state-centered nationalists alike. However, in spite of the initial euphoria, the war in Eastern Ukraine has antagonized the nationalist segment of the Russian public which had been won over by the Kremlin only months earlier. Russian TV footage of burned houses in East Ukrainian towns and hamlets prompted questions about why Putin was not doing more to defend them.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of International Law 2016

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References

I wish to thank Helge Blakkisrud, Tor Bukkvoll, Geir Flikke, Henry Hale, Robert Horvath, Alexander Verkhovsky, and two anonymous reviewers for the Slavic Review for reading and providing insightful comments to draft versions of this article. Research for the article was financed by the Research Council of Norway through the project “Nation-building, nationalism and the new ‘other’ in today’s Russia (NEORUSS),” project number 220599, under the NORRUSS program.

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20 Egor Kholmogorov, interview, October 2013.

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24 Vladimir Tor, NDP leader, interview, October 2013.

25 In 2013 blogger and corruption-fighter Aleksei Naval΄nyi won 27 percent of the vote in the Moscow mayoral election against all odds, thereby establishing himself as the undisputed leader of the antiregime opposition. He hailed from the liberal camp but adopted some nationalist rhetoric, in particular, the need to defend the country from the perceived deluge of immigrants from Central Asia and the Caucasus. Naval΄nyi began his political career in the liberal opposition party Yabloko, but was expelled in 2007 for his nationalist deviation. See Konstantin, Voronkov, Aleksei Naval΄nyi: Groza zhulikov i vorov (Moscow, 2012), 215–23Google Scholar. His ability to position himself as both a nationalist and a democrat was a major reason for his electoral success (along with his high-profile anticorruption campaigns and media-savvy use of the Internet). See Pål, Kolstø, “Russia’s Nationalists Flirt with Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 25, no. 3 (July 2014): 120–34Google Scholar, and Marléne, Laruelle, “Alexei Navalny and challenges in reconciling ‘nationalism’ and ‘liberalism,’ ” Post-Soviet Affairs 30, no. 4 (July 2014): 276–97Google Scholar.

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28 Vladimir, Milov, “Ukraina: pochemu tak poluchilos΄ i v chem uroki dlia Rossii,” March 24, 2014, at http://www.slon.ru/world/milov_pro_ukrainu_-1060888.xhtml (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

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32 This early promise was later reneged upon.

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39 Vladimir, Putin, “Obrashchenie Prezidenta Rossiiskoi Federatsii,” Kremlin.ru, March 18, 2014, at http://www.kremlin.ru/news/20603 (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar. See also Kimberley, Marten, “Vladimir Putin: Ethnic Russian Nationalist,” The Washington Post, the Monkey Cage blog, March 19, 2014, at http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkeycage/wp/2014/03/19/vladimir-putin-ethnic-russian-nationalist/ (last accessed 22 April 2016)Google Scholar.

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43 Quoted in Elizabeth Piper, “Patriot’s handbook’ may give insight into Putin’s thoughts,” Global Post, June 9, 2014, at http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/thomsonreuters/140609/patriots-handbook-may-give-insight-putins-thoughts (last accessed April 22, 2016). The “Russian world” (russkii mir) is a policy concept with several aspects and possible interpretations. In a broad sense it denotes all who speak Russian and/or love Russian culture and literature, wherever they live. In a more narrow sense, it pertains to those regions of the former Soviet Union where Russians continue to live (virtually the entire post-Soviet space). In 2007, the Kremlin established a “Russian World Foundation” as a public diplomacy instrument. See Marléne Laruelle, The Russian World: Russia’s Soft Power and Geopolitical Imagination, Center on Global Interests, Washington DC, May 2015, at http://globalinterests.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/FINAL-CGI_Russian-World_Marlene-Laruelle.pdf. For a perspective that more strongly underlines the spiritual message of the Russian world concept as it is used by the Russian Orthodox Church, see Nicolai N. Petro, “Russia’s Orthodox Soft Power,” Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, March 23, 2015, at http://www.carnegiecouncil.org/publications/articles_papers_reports/727 (last accessed April 22, 2016).

44 Valerii, Solovei, “Natsiia, ne imperiia,” March 18, 2014, at http://novayasila.org/lenta/news602 (no longer available; page later removed)Google Scholar. The page was later removed from the internet, but Solovei has conirmed the content and that this remains his view. Author’s personal communication with Valerii Solovei, December 18, 2015.

45 Ibid.

46 Ibid.

47 Author’s personal communication with Solovei, March 20, 2014.

48 See Egor, Kholmogorov, Zashchitit li Rossiia Ukrainu? (Moscow, 2006 Google Scholar).

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51 Ibid., (emphasis added).

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54 Svetlana, Kriukova and Sergei, Liamets, “Vladimir Milov: Putin—ne v adekvate,” Ukrainskaia Pravda, January 27, 2015, at http://www.epravda.com.ua/rus/publications/2015/01/27/523756/ (Last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

55 “Zaiavlenie ‘Demokraticheskogo vybora’ o nedopustimosti.”

56 “Russian spring” (russkaia vesna) is the term, apparently coined by Egor Kholmogorov, commonly used in Russian nationalist discourse to describe the anti-Kyiv mobilization and occupation of public buildings in east Ukrainian cities in March–April 2014.

57 Il΄ia, Lazarenko, “Donetskaia mnogonatsionaliia,” May 9, 2014, at http://www.rufabula.com/author/ilya-lazarenko/1 (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

58 See “Putin claims Russian forces ‘could conquer Ukraine capital in two weeks,’ ” The Guardian, September 2, 2014, at at http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/sep/02/putinrussian-forces-could-conquer-ukraine-capital-kiev-fortnight (last accessed April 22, 2016).

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60 Anton, Kulikov, “ ‘Russkii marsh’ protiv ‘Russkoi vesny’?”, Pravda.ru, October 10, 2014, at http://www.pravda.ru/politics/parties/other/10–10-2014/1230494-rusmarsh-0/ (last accessed August 10, 2016)Google Scholar.

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62 Oleg, Nemenskii, “Reshaetsia v Donbasse,” Literaturnaia gazeta, July 18, 2014, at http://www.riss.ru/my-v-smi/3408-reshaetsya-v-donbasse#.U-n1AqM4Xcs (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

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65 Maksim, Petrenchuk (Interview with Egor Kholmogorov), “Nyneshnie sobytiia— eto konets vsekh liberal΄nykh elit,” at http://www.holmogor.livejournal.com/6621155.html (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

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67 Aleksandr, Sevast΄ianov, “Sud΄ba russkogo naroda reshaetsia v Donetske i Luganske,” June 1, 2014, at http://www.apn.ru/publications/article31762.htm (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

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72 Prokhanov, “Klevetnikam Rossii,” Zavtra, April 10, 2014, at http://www.zavtra.ru/content/view/klevetnikam-rossii/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

73 Ibid.

74 Prokhanov, “Aleksandr Prokhanov schitaet Putina krupneishim politicheskim liderom Rossii i mira,” Argumenty nedeli, March 26, 2014, at http://www/argumenti.ru/politics/2014/03/328155 (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

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78 Dugin, “Zdravstvui, Krym! Vperedi bitva za Novorossiiu,” Otdel΄nyi divizion, March 17, 2014, at http://www.odivizion-ru.livejournal.com/205356.html (last accessed August 1, 2016)Google Scholar.

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80 Prokhanov, “Prokhanov: sobytiia v Krymu i na Donbasse—eto vozrozhdenie.”

81 Limonov, “Vystuplenie na Triumfal΄noi ploshchadi,” Livejournal, May 31, 2014, at limonov-eduard.livejournal.com/490535.html (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

82 Limonov, “Kreml΄, ty chego molchish΄,” Livejournal, July 5, 2014, at http://www.limonoveduard.livejournal.com/?skip=70 (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

83 Aleksandr, Dugin, “Rozhdenie Novorossii,” Evrazia, May 19, 2014, at http://www.evrazia.info/article/4805 (last accessed August 1, 2016)Google Scholar. “Sixth columnists” in Dugin’s terminology were fift h columnists in Putin’s immediate entourage.

84 Dugin, “Za Akhmetova grud΄iu vstala rossiiskaia ‘shestaia kolonna’,” Nakanune. ru, May 21, 2014, at http://www.evrazia.info/article/4806 (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

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86 Pavel, Baev, “Geopolitika samoizoliatsii,” Pro et Contra, (May-August 2014): 73–86, on 77 Google Scholar.

87 Dugin, from his Vkontakte page, June 4, 2014, at http://www.vk.com/wall18631635_2898 (last accessed April 22, 2016).

88 Dugin, “Uspekhi shestoi kolonny. Moia lichnaia plata za Novorossiiu,” June 27, 2014, at http://www.facebook.com/alexandr.dugin/posts/804580389552003 (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

89 Dugin, “Protiv Putina gotovitsia zagovor,” IB Novorossiia, October 3, 2014, at http://www.novorossia.su/ru/node/7471 (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

90 Prokhanov, “Evoliutsiia maidana,” Izborskii klub, July 14, 2014, at http://www.dynacon.ru/content/articles/3624/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

91 Prokhanov, “Razlozhenie ukrainskoi armii,” Izborskii klub, August 4, 2014, at http://www.dynacon.ru/content/articles/3643/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

92 Ibid.

93 Aleksandr, Gamov, “Aleksandr Prokhanov: Donbass predavat΄ nel΄zia. Esli eto sluchitsia, Rossii ne pomogut nikakie antikrizisnye mery,” Komsomol΄skaia pravda, February 13, 2015, at http://www.kp.ru/daily/26341/3224169 (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

94 Andrew E., Kramer, “Ukraine’s Reins Weaken as Chaos Spreads” New York Times May 4, 2014, at http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/05/world/europe/kievs-reins-weaken-aschaos-spreads.html Google Scholar (last accessed April 22, 2016); Sakwa, Frontline Ukraine, 97–99.

95 Sergei, Sokurov, “Prezidentu Putinu—srochnoe pis΄mo,” Zavtra, May 4, 2014, at http://www/zavtra.ru/content/view/prezidentu-putinu-srochnoe-pismo/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

96 Maksim, Kalashnikov, “Novorossiia—zavtrashniaia real΄nost΄,” Zavtra, May 29, 2014, at http://www.zavtra.ru/content/view/novorossiya-zavtrashnyaya-realnost/ (last accessed August 1, 2016)Google Scholar.

97 Kalashnikov, “Ia by ne nazval eto ‘sdachei.’ Novorossiiu prosto spustili v unitaz,” Nakanune.ru, September 12, 2014, at http://www.nakanune.ru/articles/19440/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar. This is one of the very few instances I have found on the Internet when Russian self-proclaimed patriots have acknowledged that regular Russian army units have indeed crossed into Ukraine and engaged in battle there.

98 Ibid.

99 Andrei, Mozzhegorov, “Chem grozit RF nashe predatel΄stvo Novorossii. Krov΄ nadvigaetsia,” Imperskii kazachii soiuz, at http://www.iks2010.info/?p=65703 (last accessed August 10, 2016)Google Scholar.

100 See Nicu, Popescu, “Ukraine’s impact on Russia,” Issue Alert (32) European Union Institute for Security Studies, July 4, 2014, at http://www.iss.europa.eu/publications/detail/article/ukraines-impact-on-russia/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

101 Aleksei, Polubota, “Razocharovanie patriotov: kak povliiaet na reiting vlasti otkaz ot vvoda voisk v Donbass,” Svobodnaia pressa, at http://www.svpressa.ru/politic/article/91987/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

102 Marléne, Laruelle, “Is anyone in charge of Russian nationalists fighting in Ukraine?,” Washington Post, Monkey cage, June 26, 2014, at http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2014/06/26/is-anyone-in-charge-of-russian-nationalistsfighting-in-ukraine/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar.

103 Alexseev and Hale, “Rallying ‘Round the Leader.”

104 Steven Fish, M., “The end of the Putin mystique,” Washington Post, April 3, 2014, at http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2014/04/03/the-end-of-the-putinmystique/ (last accessed April 22, 2016)Google Scholar

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110 Ibid.

111 Alexseev and Hale, “Rallying ‘Round the Leader.”

112 Natalia Yudina and Vera Alperovich, “Ukraine Upsets the Nationalist Apple-Cart: Xenophobia, Radical Nationalism and Efforts to counteract it in Russia during the First Half of 2014,” August 6, 2014, at http://www.sova-center.ru/en/xenophobia/reportsanalyses/2014/08/d30003/ (last accessed April 22, 2016).

113 “ ‘Russian March’ 2014 in Moscow: For and against Novorossiia,” November 13, 2014, Sova Center for Information and Analysis, at http://www.sova-center.ru/en/xenophobia/news-releases/2014/11/d30652/ (last accessed April 22, 2016).

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116 Aleksei, Gorbachev, “Somnevaiushchikhsia v pol΄ze Kryma stalo bol΄she,” Nezavisimaia gazeta, March 23, 2015, at http://www.ng.ru/politics/2015–03-23/3_crimea.html (last accessed August 1, 2016)Google Scholar.

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121 Yudina and Alperovich, “Ukraine Upsets the Nationalist Apple-Cart.”