¹ Endorsed by William Cecil: ‘The complaynt of the Fr. Ambassador’.

² This could be either pipes of Olonnes wine or ‘aulonnes’, i.e. canvas for sails.

³ A barrel measuring half the size of the queue or poinçon; smaller than the English barrel (see Cotgrave, R., A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues (London, 1611)Google Scholar).

⁴ Barrels of merlan, i.e. whiting.

⁵ A kind of small cod.

⁶ Empty barrel staves. The pipe was technically a measure of corn or wine.

⁷ Berwick and Eyemouth.

⁸ Leith.

⁹ Burntisland, Fife, on the other side of the Firth of Forth from Leith.

¹⁰ Perhaps Breda, in Zeeland.

¹¹ Folkestone.

¹² See Admiral Winter's reply, BL, Cotton, Calig. B IX, no. 64.

¹³ The treaty (or ‘agreement’) of Berwick was concluded on 27 February 1560 (T. Rymer, Foedera, conventiones, literae, 3rd edn, VI, part iv (The Hague, 1741), pp. 95–96) with the Lords of the Congregation. Elizabeth, in sending troops to Scotland, issued a proclamation of 24 March (see n. 14), published widely in England, Scotland, and France (by the Protestants), blaming the Guises as the true authors of the troubles through their domination of the young king and his wife. As this publication started to have its effect, the Guises presumably told de Seure to make energetic remonstrances as well as sending Monluc through England to Scotland. They perhaps chose Monluc because of his reputation as sympathetic to Reform, which might have recommended him to Elizabeth. Teulet suggests 15 April for this text but it is a reply to the queen's declaration of 24 March and was responded to by the Privy Council on 2 April. De Seure then protested again in writing on 20 April (no. 3 below).

¹⁴ The French version (to which the ambassadors responded): Proclamation contenant la declaration de l’intention de la Maiesté de la Royne, sur lobseruation [sic] de la paix auecq les royaumes de France & Ecosse : & aussi la maniere de proceder pour la seureté de ses royaumes (A Londres: Par Rychard Iugge, & Iehan Cavvood, imprimeurs pour la Maiesté de la Roine., Lan [sic]. M.D.LX), STC no. 7911 (copy in National Library of Scotland). The English version: A proclamacion declaryng the Quenes Maiesties purpose, to kepe peace with Fraunce and Scotlande, and to prouyde for the suretie of hir kyngdomes (Imprinted at London: In Powles Churchyarde by Richarde Iugge and Iohn Cawood printers to the Quenes Maiestie, [1560]), STC no. 7910 (Bodleian Library). Reproduced in Secousse, Mémoires de Condé (see printed source for this item), I, p. 549.

¹⁵ Sir Ambrose Cave (c.1503–1568), former knight of St John and one of Elizabeth's trusted advisers.

¹⁶ ‘A little paltrie towne, hold, or fort, not strong enough to hold out a siege, nor so weake as to be given up for words’ (Cotgrave, Dictionarie).

¹⁷ James Hamilton, 2nd earl of Arran and duc de Châtellerault.

¹⁸ See the reply to this, dated 2 April 1560 as ‘Answer to the French Ambassador's Cavillations’, in CSPF, V, suppl. 1428, TNA, SP 70/13, fo. 5.

¹⁹ On Elizabeth's refusal to recall her troops, de Seure handed over the written remonstrance on 20 April. Some have argued that this was published widely and made in the presence of the Spanish ambassadors but this was not the case, as is clear from the text.

²⁰ Protestation faite par le roy par son ambassadeur resident pres la royne d’Angleterre. This text was widely printed: in England by Richard Jugge and William Cawood, London, 1560; in France by: Benoît Rigaud, Lyon, 1560; Eloi Gibier, Orléans, 1560; Jean Rousset, Tours, 1560 (for the last version see the Universal Short Title Catalogue and the mention by Throckmorton in a despatch of 22 May, in CSPF, III, no. 116). It was printed in Latin as Protestatio Christianissimi Regis Gallorum habita et exhibita praestantissimae Reginae Anglie, per ordinarium Christianissimi Regis, ad Angliae Reginam legatum, Excusum Londini: Apud Reginaldum Wolfium, Regiae Maiest. in Latinis typographum, Anno domini M.D.LX. [1560] (STC no. 11309.5).

²¹ Inchkeith.

²² Philippe de Stavele, seigneur de Glageon, baron de Chaumont (1509–1563), envoy of Margaret of Parma, governor of the Netherlands and Knight of the Golden Fleece.

²³ The Diaceto family of Florence (notably Ludovico) was active in finance and commerce in France throughout the sixteenth century. Florence Diaceto, however, was born in Antwerp of Florentine parents and was also nephew to the chancellor of Cleves (Wotton, 11 May 1557, TNA, SP 69/10, fo. 121); he was paid by Henry VIII in 1546 (Dasent, J.R. (ed.), Acts of the Privy Council. Vol. 1: a.d. 1542–1547 (London, 1890), p. 557Google Scholar), sent by Edward VI to Denmark (TNA, SP 11/4, fo. 143), sent by the duke of Brunswick to congratulate Mary in 1553 (TNA, SP 69/2, fo. 100), and used as an envoy to Sturm in Germany in 1559 (Forbes, I, p. 163). In March 1559, disappointed by the terms on offer in England, he entered French service (Throckmorton, 21 March 1559, in Forbes, I, p. 384). So in March 1560 he was being employed by France for a mission to Scotland via the court of Elizabeth. Throckmorton (to Elizabeth I, 26 March 1560, TNA, SP 70/12, fo. 111) thought it worth trying to win him over in the course of this (passages in italics are in cipher in the original): ‘As this bearer Mr Florence Diaceto repaireth thither I thought good tenforme your majestie of so muche as I understand of the cause of his sending and of my poor opinion how he is to be used. Three causes there be that have moved them to send him at this present. First: to use the same offices that other hath don for offers to be made and the causing of your majestie to staye your doings there and wynne tyme and that don for to go into Scotland to practise there; thirdly to travaile as much as he can possibly to decipher your majesties disposition, the state of your counsaile and realme and generally for knowledge of all things which may serve their turne […] he hathe the language, good acquaintance and hathe bene long experimented there by reason of his service heretofore in England […]. I take it […] necessary that there were sumwhat caste in his waye by your majestye not to change his disposition yet to staye somewhat his doing and bleere his eyes and that in this sorte, after he shall be presented by the French ambassador and hath don his first errand, I wold wishe som tyme were taken for your majestie to saye this much unto him when the French ambassador shuld not be within hearing, though he dyd see it, that forasmuch as he is a man who hathe served your majesties father and brother being also well infourmed of him diverse ways and specially for the zeale he hath always had to your setting fourthe of religion to Godes glorye and also for his affection towards your majestie, you conceave so good an opinion of him as you both trust him and are persuaded he will doo nothing that shall sounde to the preiudice of your majestie of the setting up of that thing which may hinder Godes true religion and unto you do understand from your ambassador in France that he hathe somewhat to saye unto your majestie aparte, your pleasure is he shall name the tyme, place, manner et circumstances and your majestie will gyve him audience and that whatsoever shall say to your majestie he shall be well assured not to heare of the same agayne and though I write this of him yet I trust your majestie will waye whose minister he is and procede with him therafter because againe as I have often pressed the staye of intelligence on that side to be a greate meanes to let the French proceedings and practise having meanest herby to worke theyr maters gretly to theyr advantage by often intelligence how things go ther, so understanding that every other daye there arrivethe at this court a post from England or Scotland I thought it my dieuty oftsones to put your majestie in remembraunce of that sayd staye being necessary.’ The following day, Throckmorton advised making much of Diaceto in de Quadra's presence to cause suspicion between France and Spain and to make Philip fear Elizabeth's alliance with France (CSPF, II, no. 904, p. 478). Diaceto returned via London in June and spoke again to the queen (William Petre to William Cecil, 28 June 1560, in CSPF, III, no. 249, p. 153). In 1562 he was recommended to Cecil by Paul de Foix (CSPF, V, no. 959, p. 418).

²⁴ See the reply of the Privy Council (as detailed in n. 18).

²⁵ The reply to this was published in Latin as Responsum ad protestationem, quam orator Regis Gallorum, nomine sui principis, serenissimae Angliae reginae obtulit xx. die Aprilis, Anno Domini M. D. LX., Londini: Apud Reginaldum Vuolfium, Regiae Maiest. in Latinis typographum. Cum priuilegio Regiae Maiestatis, [1560], STC no. 9183. For the manuscript in English, see TNA, SP 70/13, fos 143–148 (CSPF, II, no. 1040, pp. 566–568), incomplete first draft by Cecil; for a draft of a translation into French, see TNA, SP 70/13, fos 163–176. There is a further addition in BL, Cotton, Calig. E V, fos 141–147, ‘An addition to the Quenes Majestes answer made to the French ambassador his Protestation’. On 6 June, Cecil wrote to Petre from Northallerton that he had received the book of the queen's answer, faultily printed, and sent it back for correction (Calendar, Hatfield, p. 231). The thinking of the Guise regime on this exchange is displayed in an important letter of the cardinal de Lorraine and the duc de Guise to the king of Navarre, 18 May 1560: ‘Monsieur, le Roy vous envoye une protestation qu’il a faict faire à la Royne d’Angleterre par son ambassadeur, lequel justifie assez la sincerité de ses actions et le debvoir en quoy il s’est mis pour l’entretenement du repoz de la Chrestienté et la conservation de la bonne amytié qui estoit entre luy et elle, leurs roaulmes, pays et subjectz. En quoy vous et ceulx qui la liront trouverez aultant de verité comme la proclamation par elle dernierement faicte et publyee contenoyt de mensonges et desguisement. La cognoissance que vous avez, Monsieur des affaires vous en donnera tant de certitude que nous en vous en dirons rien d’autre’ (Russian National Library, St Petersburg, Autographs, 49, fo. 6; I have used the copy in the Bibliothèque de la Société de l’histoire du Protestantisme français, Paris, MS 846).

²⁶ Papers of Claude de L’Aubespine.

²⁷ These articles are covered thus in the English reply to de Seure's protest: ‘On pourrait parler de la rigueur et tort qu’on faict à un jeune du sr Cotton [Sir Thomas Cotton], qui est detenu maintenant en temps de paix comme prisonnier, lequel en temps de guerre ne l’estoit pas, dont la cause fust alleguée pource que le deteneur avoit ung filz en Flandres qui fust pris à St Quintin où les Anglois servirent lors au Roy Catholique, et pourtant fault que jeune filz Anglois soit tenu comme prisonnier jusques à ce que l’aultre en Flandres soit rendu […] mais pour meilleure information de monsr l’ambassadeur qui faict toutes les choses si legeres, quel pire exemple de mauvaise disposition peult on monstrer que de user de violence à l’endroict de l’ambassadeur de sa maiesté en ceste sorte. Son serviteur fust pris sur les rues et par force emmené par le commandement du grand prieur oncle de la Royne de France, lequel estant requis de le rendre, respondit qu’il feroit à son plaisir, laquelle responce semblant fort estrange, et entendant led. ambassadeur que son serviteur estoit envoyé aux galeres on en parla à monsr le duc de Guise, qui respondit en parolles gratieuses priant l’ambassadeur qu’il print en patience les parolles de son frere monsr le grand prieur et l’asseurant que son serviteur seroit remandé de Marseilles. De quoy led. Ambassadeur se tint pour lors content et envoya un homme expres à Marseilles, qui n’est pas petite distance avecq lettres pour la recouvrement de sond. homme, mais comme il alla en vain aussy retourna il sans l’homme ou sans esperance de l’avoir. Et ainsy à la fin apres quelques doleances reiterees par l’ambassadeur de ce mal traictement, il cessa de plus y travailler se contentant endurer la perte ou voirement la mort de son serviteur. Ces signes d’amitié et bon vouloir furent monstrés dix jours apres le prespas du Roy’ (French draft of the English reply, TNA, SP 70/13, fos 165r–166r).

²⁸ ‘Et aussy depuys n’agueres au moys dernier passé, comment il a esté traicté en son logis qu’on luy a tiré quelques coups de harquebuze on le pourra mieulx scavoir des Françoys avecq qui il est logé, que par plainte aulcune qu’il en ayt faict, s’en estant encores passé avecq silence et patience’ (ibid., fo. 166r).

²⁹ Henry Strangways, a notable pirate active in these years (d. 1562). The English reply had argued that ‘la Royne d’Angleterre s’est estudié à trancher toutes occasions d’offense … et qu’au moys de juin n’espargna d’envoyer à ses grandz despens certaines navires pour l’apprehension de quelques escumeurs de mer qui pilloient et Françoys et Portugalois et scait on bien qu’ilz receurent comfort tel et si bon que plusieurs demeurent encores’ (ibid.).

³⁰ The marquis d’Elbeuf.

³¹ A reference to the Conspiracy of Amboise.