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Power, Force and Diplomacy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Extract

The present crisis has generated intense debate over the instruments of foreign policy the United States has at its disposal and controversy over their use in particular stages of a dispute or conflict. The debate has centered over the meaning and use of power and force. A little more than a decade ago, writing On Violence in an era when its primary manifestation was within national boundaries, the American political philosopher, the late Hannah Arendt, sought to distinguish between violence and power, saying: “… power always stands in need of numbers, whereas violence up to a point … relies on implements.” Writers differ on concepts such as power and violence. Power for some is conceived as the ability of the individual or the group to impose its will on others. Power for Arendt implied the human ability to act in concert —potestas in populo; without a people or group there is no power in politics. Power for individuals and groups is linked with prestige and authority. In politics, authority requires respect either for a person or an office; its enemy is contempt or laughter directed at the person or office. In both foreign relations and domestic affairs, “violence appears as a last resort to keep … power … intact against individual challengers — the foreign enemy, the native criminal …” or to overthrow authority. It would seem, therefore, that force and violence are the prerequisites of power and power nothing but a facade. In a violent world, it is force that counts not power which is dependent on force.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1981

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References

1 Arendt, Hannah, On Violence (New York, 1969), p. 42.Google Scholar

2 Ibid. p. 47.

3 Ibid. p. 49.

4 Ibid. p. 56.

5 Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics Among Nations, 5th ed. (New York, 1973), p. 32.Google Scholar

6 Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr, “Misconceptions about Russia,” Foreign Affairs, 58 (Spring 1980), 820.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 Ibid. p. 834.

8 Ibid. p. 821.

9 Ibid. p. 834.

12 Ibid., p. 820.

14 For twenty years, I worked for an international technical assistance agency, and in that role I was not very receptive to outside questioning and criticisms of technical assistance activities. I had little patience with the skepticism others expressed about the Green Revolution which my agency helped to initiate and sustain. We all become “true believers” when our professional competence is put to the test. See my Foreign Assistance — A View from the Private Sector (Notre Dame, 1972).Google Scholar

15 Cohen, Stephen F. “Soviet Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy,” Common Sense in U.S.-Soviet Relations (Washington, D.C.: American Committee on East-West Accord, 1978), p. 11.Google Scholar

16 Ibid. p. 13.

17 Lippmann, Walter, The Stakes of Diplomacy (New York, 1915), p. 26.Google Scholar

18 Nicolson, Harold, Diplomacy (London, 1939), p. 50.Google Scholar

19 Lippmann, Walter, Diplomacy, p. 27.Google Scholar