^* An abbreviated version of this paper was presented at the September, 1970, Pacific Coast Branch meeting of the American Historical Association held in Portland, Oregon.

¹ Generally when they use the word raza (race), Spaniards intend to denote peoples who constitute a cultural community in which the most important ties are those of common tradition, history, experience values and language, not those of common ethnic or biological origins. A classic expression of this Spanish view of raza is found in de Barradas, José Pérez, Los mestizos de América (Madrid, 1948)Google Scholar. For an excellent and succinct summary of characteristic Spanish attitudes on the Hispanic family, community or raza, generally assumed to include both Spaniards and Spanish Americans, see the October, 1933, essay by de Unamuno, Miguel, “De nuevo la raza,” in his Obras comphtas, IV (Madrid, 1968)Google Scholar, bearing the title La raza y la lengua,pp. 148–50.

² See Marichalar, Luis, the de Eza, Vizconde, Vivero de selectocratas (Madrid, 1940)Google Scholar.

³ On Krause and the impact of Krausismoin Spain see Jobit, Pierre, Les éducateurs de l' Éspagne contemporaine: les Krausistas; lettres inidites de D. Julián Sanz del Río publées par Manuel de la Revilla (Paris, 1936)Google Scholar; Morillas, Juan López, El Krausismo español: perfil de una aventura intelectual (Mexico, D.F., 1956)Google Scholar; and Martínez, Alonso, Movimiento de las ideas religiosas en Europa: exposición crítica del sistema krausista, Vol. IV of Memorias de la Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Pollticas (14 vols., Madrid, 1861–1890)Google Scholar.

⁴ An excellent study of the impact of Krausismo on Spanish liberals and of a Thomistic revival on conservatives is Cremades, Juan José Gil, El reformismo español: Krausismo, escuela histórica, neotomismo (Madrid, 1969)Google Scholar.

⁵ Krause, , Ideal del humanidad para la vida, translation, introduction, and notes by Río, Julian Sanz del (Madrid, 1860), p. 105Google Scholar. Ideal, placed on the Index by Rome, has been described by conservative ideologue Pelayo, Marcelino Menéndez y (1856–1912), Historia de los heterodoxos españoles (3 vols., Madrid, 1880–1882), III, 736Google Scholar, as the banner of Spain's democratic youth. It is certainly one of the most readable of Krause's works, not suffering from the obscure style that characterized his more metaphysical writings. Sanz del Rio (1814–1869) was the man primarily responsible for introducing Krausismo into Spain following his encounter when studying abroad in 1844 with Heinrich Ahrens (1808–1874), one of the principal disciples of Krause. A decidedly hostile Menéndez Pelayo wrote that if it had not been for the confused state of Sanz del Río's mind, into which he could fit only a very few ideas to which he then clung with tenacious stubbornness, he would not have ignored the truly first-rate German thinkers in order to settle on an obscure sophist. According to Pelayo, Menéndez, op. cit., Ill, 715Google Scholar, a whole generation of Spaniards became Krausists because of the intellectual mediocrity and laziness of Sanz del Río.

⁶ Krause, , Ideal, pp. 102–04Google Scholar. See also p. 34 where Krause develops the notion of social harmony based on the operation by each member of society within his own sphere, always subordinate to the overall demands of the common good.

⁷ On Giner, whose Obras completas appeared in their first Madrid edition in 1916, see the sympathetic study by Navarro, Martín, Vida y obra de Don Francisco Giner de los Rios (Mexico, D.F., 1946)Google Scholar. On the early functioning of the Institucion Enseñanza, Libre de see Boletín de la Institución Libre de Enseñanza, no. 844 (08 31, 1930), 249Google Scholar, and Viu, V. Cacho, La Institucion Libre de Enseñanza, I, Orígenes y etapa universitaria (Madrid, 1962)Google Scholar. The hostile manner in which Catholic conservatives regarded the Institución is revealed in Vivanco, José María González de Echávarri y, Ruina de la falsa civilization de liberalismo (Valladolid, 1933), p. 12Google Scholar. See also Aznar, Severino, Impresiones de un Demócrata Cristiano (Madrid, 1950, 2nd ed.), pp. 136–37Google Scholar.

⁸ One of several works by Krause, translated into Spanish by Ríos, Giner de los is Compendio de estética (Madrid, 1875)Google Scholar.

⁹ Giner, , Estudios sobre educatióon, III in Obras cotnpletas (Madrid, 1933), 187Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Ibid., 115.

¹¹ “It is never more necessary,” wrote Giner, ibid., 50, “to awaken the individual and to individualize the masses than when there has arrived at its apogee the idolatry of [social] leveling.…” See also Giner's apology for rule by an aristocracy of character—as opposed to an aristocracy of talent—in ibid., 88–94.

¹² Giner, ibid.,275, agreed with Thomas Carlyle that the tragedy of the poor was not their poverty and their need to perform hard labor. Rather, it was that the light of their souls had been extinguished and that as a result they were concerned only with things material. Giner believed that the surest way to protect the principle of rule by an elite was to educate the masses, through the study of morality, art and poetry, to appreciate the same values venerated by the elite.

¹³ Giner's apparent favoring of a corporative structure was lauded by one of his disciples, identified only as C.C., who explained the master's attitudes toward syndicalism in “En memoriam: quinto aniversario de D. Francisco Giner de los Ríos,” Boletín de la Institución Libre de Enseñanza, no. 720 (03 31, 1930), 95Google Scholar: “If syndicalism represents the desire that our destinies be controlled by the best men, if it is a conception distinct from the badly named democratic one, Don Francisco would have been its partisan. If syndicalism … is opposed to the parliamentary regime, because this is the regime of incompetence, and affirms that it is to the minorities of capacity that decisionmaking powers correspond and not to the… inept majorities, Don Francisco would have applauded it.” On Giner's corporativist leanings see also Adolfo Posada, González, España. en crisis (Madrid, 1923), pp. 163–64Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Rahola, , Sangre nueva: impresiones de una viaje a la América del sur (Barcelona, 1905), pp. 120–24Google Scholar. In 1901 Rahola had helped found the important Barcelona journal Mercurio: Revista Comercial Hispano-Americana. Following his return from the commercial tour of Argentina and Uruguay he was instrumental in establishing in Barcelona the Instituto de Estudios Americanistas, converted in 1911 into the Asociación Internacional Ibero-Americana, better known as the Casa de América. Subsequently he served as a deputy and a senator in the national cortes.

¹⁵ González Posada was intimately associated with the Instituto de Reformas Sociales from its founding. Gumersindo de Azcárate, in many ways as important a proponent of Spanish liberalism as Giner de los Rios, served as the Instituto's president until his death in 1917. Like Giner decidedly under the influence of Krause, Azcárate hoped to encourage the creation of capital-labor associations that would revive the spirit of the craft guilds that had fallen victim to the individualistic spirit of the French Revolution. In this way he hoped that the “revolutionary hypothesis” could be banished from Spain. See Altamira, Rafael, Ideario politico (Valencia, 1921), pp. 110–11Google Scholar; Cremades, Gil, El reformismo espanol, xxiiiGoogle Scholar; and the excellent sketch of Azcárate and analysis of his ideas in Mercurio (Barcelona), no. 45 (08 1, 1905), 524–26Google Scholar. More clearly than Azcárate, González Posada advocated the corporativist organization of society. He makes this abundantly evident in his España en crisis.

¹⁶ Posada, González, La républica argentina: impresiones y comentarios (Madrid, 1912), pp. 108–14Google Scholar. Other americanista works of Posada are En America: una campaña (Madrid, 1911)Google Scholar, describing his 1910 tour, Para America desde Espana (Paris, 1910)Google Scholar, and La república del Paraguay: impresiones y comentarios (Madrid, 1911)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ del Valle, Fernando G., “A mis hermanos de Ibero-América,” Espana y Amirica: Revista Comercial (Cadiz), no. 21 (05, 1914), 350–52Google Scholar.

¹⁸ See Unión Ibero-Americana, Número Extraordinario, March 1, 1904, 17.

¹⁹ Some of the many works on the hispanismo theme by Labra, who in the late nineteenth century was a long-time rector of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza and served in the national cortes both as a deputy and senator, include América y España en el centenario de 1908 (Madrid, 1909)Google Scholar, España y América, 1812–1912 (Madrid, 1912)Google Scholar, Orientation americana de España (Madrid, 1910)Google Scholar, Problema hispanoamericana (Madrid, 1906, revised ed., 1915)Google Scholar, and Las relaciones de España con las repúblicas hispanoamericanas (Madrid, 1910, 3rd ed.)Google Scholar.

²⁰ This is a central theme running throughout Labra's, El congreso pedagogico hispano-portugués-arnericano de 1892 (Madrid, 1893)Google Scholar. Corporativist leanings are revealed in Labra's, Discursos pollticos, academicos, y forenses (2 vols., Madrid, 1884, 1886), II, 416–20Google Scholar. The influence that Krausismo exercised on his social thinking is also apparent in Labra's, Estudios de economia social: la esctiela contempordnea; el problema obrero; la education popular (Madrid 1892)Google Scholar.

²¹ On Giner's reaction to Ariel, see Morote, Luis, “Las ciencias sociales en la América latina,” Unión Ibero-Americana, Número Extraordinario, 03 1, 1904, 51Google Scholar. On Altamira's, , see his prologue to Ariel (Barcelona, 1926, 3rd ed.)Google Scholar.

²² See the Alas prologue to Ariel (Valencia, no date), pp. ix, xi, xiiGoogle Scholar.

²³ On this mission see Altamira, , Mi viaje a América: libro de documentos (Madrid, 1911)Google Scholar. Other works by Altamira, who among Spanish liberals became one of the most active hispanoamericanistas, dealing with the hispanismo theme include: España en América (Valencia, 1908)Google Scholar, España y el programa americanista (Madrid, 1917)Google Scholar, La huella de España en América (Madrid, 1924)Google Scholar, La politica de España en América (Valencia, 1921)Google Scholar, and Ultimos escritos americanistas (Madrid, 1929)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Altamira, , Mi viaje, pp. 510–11, 515Google Scholar.

²⁵ During the last ten years of his life Rodríguez Navas worked indefatigably for the Centro de Cultura Hispano-Americana and published extensively in the Centro's journal, Cultura Hispano-Americana. Founded in Madrid in 1910 under the aegis of liberal statesman José Canalejas, the Centro was the major association of liberal hispanoamericanistas. For many years Senator Luis Palomo served as its president and until his death Labra was one of its most active members.

²⁶ Navas, Rodríguez, “España y América: espiritualidad hispanoamericana,” Cultura Hispano-Americana, no. 75 (02, 1919), 26–8Google Scholar. Similar views are expressed by two disciples of Altamira, Santiago Magarifios and Puigdollers, Ramon, Panhispanismo, su trascendertcia histórica, politico, y social (Barcelona, 1926), pp. 48–52Google Scholar. For an earlier expression of the typically Spanish conviction that Spanish Americans suffered from an excessive materialism that posed an abiding threat to social stability and that they, therefore, stood in need of spiritual guidance from Spain, see de Unamuno, Miguel, Temas argentinos (Buenos Aires, 1943), pp. 55–6Google Scholar, a work made up of essays originally published 1906–1908, and “Sobre la literatura hispanoamericana,” an essay written in 1905, in Algunas consideraciones sobre la literatura hispanoamericana (Madrid, 1968, 3rd ed.), p. 100Google Scholar. José Ortega y Gasset also lamented the menace to elite rule posed by the materialism of Spanish Americans, particularly of Argentines. More than Unamuno, though, and most other Spanish liberals, he seemed to doubt the ability of Spain to provide moral leadership to the former colonies. See his discourse (1916), “Impresiones de un viajero,” delivered in the Instituto Popular de Conferencias, Buenos Aires, in his Meditación del pueblo joven (Madrid, 1964), pp. 21–2Google Scholar.