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James Madison and the Metaphysics of Modern Politics

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Abstract

Federalist, No. 10, argues that human beings demand that their opinions concerning their distinctive excellence be recognized as true. This recognition, however, cannot be political. The political realm cannot do justice to the “angel” in man, and the futile attempts to secure such political recognition lead to tyranny. Where does the recognition of one's own humanity occur? The Federalist does not say. Yet it must occur somewhere for political freedom to be regarded as a human good. It is essential for the perpetuation of human freedom that the account of human nature given in The Federalist, which is comprehensive enough to secure political freedom, be supplemented by an account of the human being's transpolitical dimension. Madison provides such an account in “On Property” and in the Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments. These two sources show that political freedom is for the performance of religious duty, which is discoverable by human beings through their conscientious use of reason and should, therefore, be understood to complete American constitutional theory.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1986

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References

Notes

1 See Orwin, Clifford, “Robert Nozick's Libertarian Utopia,” This World, No. 9 (Fall, 1984), 8489.Google Scholar

2 See in particular the work of Paul Eidelberg, Harry Jaffa, and Garry Wills.

3 Epstein, David, The Political Theory of ‘The Federalist’ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), pp. 6881.Google Scholar

4 Ibid., p. 71.

5 See ibid., pp. 76, 90.

6 This very brief essay is found in The Writings of Madison, ed. Hunt, G. (New York: G. P. Putnam, 19001910), 6:101103.Google Scholar

7 See Epstein, , Political Theory ofThe Federalist,’ p. 75.Google Scholar

8 As Eidelberg, Paul acknowledges in A Discourse on Statesmanship (Urbana: University of Illinois, 19740, pp. 423–24.Google Scholar

9 For St. Augustine, for example, it is self-evident to the individual person that the politically recognized distinctions between ruler and ruled, citizen and alien, and so forth are superficial or “outward” and inessential to the self.

There is a tendency for Leo Strauss-inspired scholars to obscure the nature of the Christian break with the “classical” thought of Plato, Aristotle, and so forth. Ernest Fortin, for example, in his essay in Strauss and Cropsey, says that for Augustine: “Man is by nature a social animal, who alone has been endowed with speech, by means of which he is able to communicate and enter into various relationships with other men. It is only by associating with his fellow men and forming with them a political community that man attains his perfection” (second edition, p. 155).

But Augustine never says that man is a political animal, that his perfection occurs in a political context. Even his perfection as a social animal is transpolitical; it is as a member of religious community. The Christian break with the ancients and its contribution to modern liberalism is described meticulously in Adela Gondek's (of Rider College) unpublished manuscript, The Medieval Origins of Modern Liberalism.

10 The Memorial and Remonstrance is found in The Papers of James Madison, ed. Rutland, R. A. and Rachal, M. E. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, (1971– ), 8:295306.Google Scholar This quotation and those in the above paragraph are from paragraph 1 of the Memorial.

The only really careful study of the Memorial and Remonstrance is Brann, Eva, “Madison's ‘Memorial and Remonstrance’: A Model of American Eloquence,” Rhetoric and American Statesmanship, ed. Wallin, J. and Thurow, G. (Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 1984), pp. 146.Google Scholar I am indebted to this essay in many ways which cannot be adequately acknowledged in these notes.

11 See Brann, , “Madison's ‘Memorial and Remonstrance,’” p. 15.Google Scholar

12 Zuckert, Michael P., “An Introduction to Locke's First Treatise,” Interpretation, 8 (01, 1979), 7172.Google Scholar

13 Ibid., pp. 72–73.

14 See Tarcov, Nathan, Locke's Education for Liberty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), pp. 8, 209211 and passim.Google Scholar

15 Kraynak, Robert P., “John Locke: From Absolutism to Toleration,” American Political Science Review, 74 (03, 1980), 64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar My remarks on Locke's Letter are indebted to Kraynak's fine essay throughout.

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18 This point is well demonstrated in de Tocqueville, Alexis's Democracy in America.Google Scholar See my “Tocqueville on Democracy and Pantheism,” presented to the 1985 Claremont Institute Conference on Democracy and tentatively scheduled for publication by the institute in a book of essays on Tocqueville.

19 See Kraynak, , “John Locke: From Absolutism to Toleration,” p. 68.Google Scholar

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24 Murray, John Courtney, We Hold These Truths (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1960), pp. 310–13.Google Scholar See my “Natural Law and the American Regime: Murray's We Hold These Truths,” Communio: International Catholic Review, 9 (Winter, 1982), 380–83.Google Scholar

25 See my “Theology and America's Liberal Democracy,” Modern Age, forthcoming.Google Scholar

26 Madison, , Papers, 10:33.Google Scholar

27 Ibid., 9: 356.

28 See Landi, Alexander, “Madison's Political Theory,” The Political Science Reviewer, 6 (1976), 84.Google Scholar For different evidence in support of this conclusion see Wallin, Jeffrey D., “John Locke and the American Founding,” Natural Right and Political Right, ed. Silver, T. B. and Schramm, P. W. (Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 1984), pp. 143–69.Google Scholar

29 Epstein's illuminating chapter entitled “Theoretical Uncertainty and Honorable Determination” (pp. 111–25)Google Scholar showed me the importance of the quotations from The Federalist in this paragraph.

30 Memorial and Remonstrance, par. 3.

31 Memorial and Remonstrance, par. 12.

32 Madison, to Livingston, Edward, 10 07 1822Google Scholar (in Writings, 9:98103).Google Scholar

33 Memorial, par. 3, 15, and “On Property.” See Brann, , “Madison's ‘Memorial and Remonstrance,’” p. 27.Google Scholar

34 Madison, to Livingston, , 10 07 1822.Google Scholar

35 But see Brann, , “Madison's ‘Memorial and Remonstrance,’” p. 46.Google Scholar

36 Ibid., p. 34: Madison's “preference for sectarian variety rests on the limits and necessities of observed human nature, and not on a doctrinal disavowal of the search for truth.”

37 Memorial, par. 4.

38 Madison, to Livingston, , 10 07 1822.Google Scholar

39 Jaffa, Harry, American Conservatism and the American Founding (Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 1984), p. 45.Google Scholar

40 Ibid., pp. 41–42.

41 Ibid., p. 41.

42 See my “Leo Strauss, Platonic Political Philosophy, and the Teaching of Political Science,” Teaching Political ScienceGoogle Scholar, forthcoming.

43 This paragraph and the one above are indebted to McWilliams, Wilson Carey et al. , “The Constitution and the Education of Citizens,” unpublished manuscript.Google Scholar

44 Landi, , “Madison's Political Theory,” p. 78.Google Scholar

45 See ibid., pp. 76–80.

46 Berns, Walter, The First Amendment and the Future of American Democracy (New York: Basic Books, 1976), p. 1.Google Scholar

47 Ibid., pp. 15–30. See also Berns, , “Comments,” This World, No. 6 (Fall, 1983), pp. 96101.Google Scholar

48 Berns, , First Amendment, p. 30.Google Scholar

49 Anastaplo, George, “American Constitutionalism and the Virtue of Prudence,” Abraham Lincoln, The Gettysburg Address, and American Constitutionalism, ed. de Alvarez, Leo Paul S. (Dallas: University of Dallas Press, 1976), note 52.Google Scholar

50 Berns, , First Amendment, pp. 78.Google Scholar

51 Berns, , “Comments,” p. 101.Google Scholar