Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-wq484 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-26T22:56:00.494Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Party-Determined Viability and Gender Bias in Open-List Proportional Representation Systems

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 October 2019

Rimvydas Ragauskas*
Affiliation:
Texas Tech University

Abstract

Using individual-level data from three Lithuanian legislative elections (2008, 2012, 2016), this article investigates voter bias in an open-list proportional representation system in which parties rank candidates but voters are able to fully influence the rank order through preferential voting. This study examines the average effects of and variation in gender bias among voters of different parties. Most importantly, it also investigates how party cues interact with gender cues—that is, whether discriminatory tendencies vary by a candidate's party-determined viability. After establishing that there is no evidence of elite bias in favor of or against women candidates, with the exception of the Social Democrats and a few other parties, I demonstrate that, on average, female Lithuanian politicians receive approximately 7% fewer preferential votes than their male counterparts. In addition, the models predict that gender bias is most pronounced against the female candidates who are best placed to enter parliament. Finally, I demonstrate that Social Democratic voters are, on average, the most undisposed toward female candidates, correcting for positive elite bias toward female candidates from the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, while voters of the Homeland Union party (conservatives) strongly prefer women politicians.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Women, Gender, and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association 2019

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

Supplementary and replication materials related to the subject of this article are available from Harvard Dataverse at the following link: https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/CAEBM1.

References

REFERENCES

Allik, Mirjam. 2015. “Who Stands in the Way of Women? Open vs. Closed List and Candidate Gender in Estonia.” East European Politics 31 (4): 429–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
André, Audrey, Depauw, Sam, Shugart, Matthew S., and Chytilek, Roman. 2017. “Party Nomination Strategies in Flexible-List Systems: Do Preference Votes Matter?Party Politics 23 (5): 589600.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Central Electoral Commission of the Republic of Lithuanian (CEC). 2016. Politinės kampanijos finansavimo ataskaitų suvestinės [Summary of political campaign funding reports]. https://www.vrk.lt/pk-finansavimo-ataskaitu-suvestine-2016 (accessed July 1, 2019).Google Scholar
Ceyhan, Sara. 2018. “Who Runs at the Top of Party Lists? Determinants of Parties’ List Ranking in 2013 the German Bundestag Election.” German Politics 27 (1): 6688.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chiva, Cristina. 2005. “Women in Post-Communist Politics: Explaining Under-representation in the Hungarian and Romanian Parliaments.” Europe-Asia Studies 57 (7): 969–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chiva, Cristina. 2017. Gender, Institutions and Political Representation: Reproducing Male Dominance in Europe's New Democracies. London: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Crisp, Brian F., Olivella, Santiago, Malecki, Michael, and Sher, Mindy. 2013. “Vote-Earning Strategies in Flexible List Systems: Seats at the Price of Unity.” Electoral Studies 32 (4): 658–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
European Institute for Gender Equality. 2018. “National Parliaments: Presidents and Members” (Gender Statistics Database). http://eige.europa.eu/gender-statistics/dgs/indicator/wmidm_pol_parl__wmid_natparl/datatable (accessed June 6, 2018).Google Scholar
Ferrara, Federico, and Herron, Erik S.. 2005. “Going It Alone? Strategic Entry under Mixed Electoral Rules.” American Journal of Political Science 49 (1): 1631.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ferrara, Federico, Herron, Erik S., and Nishikawa, Misa. 2005. Mixed Electoral Systems: Contamination and Its Consequences. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Folke, Olle, Persson, Torsten, and Rickne, Johanna. 2016. “The Primary Effect: Preference Votes and Political Promotions.” American Political Science Review 110 (3): 559–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fréchette, Guillaume R., Maniquet, Francois, and Morelli, Massimo. 2008. “Incumbents’ Interests and Gender Quotas.” American Journal of Political Science 52 (4): 891909.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gendźwiłł, Adam, and Żółtak, Tomasz. 2019. “Do Parties and Voters Counteract Quota Regulations? The Impact on Ballot Ranking and Preference Voting in Poland.” Politics & Gender. Published online January 23, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X18000880.Google Scholar
Gherghina, Sergiu, and Chiru, Mihail. 2010. “Practice and Payment: Determinants of Candidate List Position in European Parliament Elections.” European Union Politics 11 (4): 533–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Górecki, Maciej A., and Kukołowicz, Paula. 2014. “Gender Quotas, Candidate Background and the Election of the Women: A Paradox of Gender Quotas in Open list Proportional Representation Systems.” Electoral Studies 36: 6580.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Herron, Erik S., and Nishikawa, Misa. 2001. “Contamination Effects and the Number of Parties in Mixed-Superposition Electoral Systems.” Electoral Studies 20 (1): 6386.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Holli, Anne Maria, and Wass, Hanna. 2010. “Gender-Based Voting in the Parliamentary Elections of 2007 in Finland.” European Journal of Political Research 49 (5): 598630.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Holmsten, Stephanie S., Moser, Robert G., and Slosar, Mary C.. 2010. “Do Ethnic Parties Exclude Women?Comparative Political Studies 43 (10): 11791201.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Inglehart, Ronald, and Norris, Pippa. 2003. Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kanthak, Kristin and Woon, Jonathan. 2015. “Women Don't Run? Election Aversion and Candidate Entry.” American Journal of Political Science 59 (3): 595612.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kittilson, Miki Caul. 2006. Challenging Parties, Changing Parliaments: Women and Elected Office in Contemporary Europe. Columbus: Ohio State University Press.Google Scholar
Kjaer, Ulrik, and Krook, Mona Lena. 2019. “The Blame Game: Analyzing Gender Bias in Danish Local Elections.” Politics, Groups, and Identities 7 (2): 444–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Krook, Mona Lena. 2009. Quotas for Women in Politics: Gender and Candidate Selection Reform Worldwide. New York: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Krupavičius, Algis, and Matonytė, Irmina. 2003. “Women in Lithuanian Politics: From Nomenklatura Selection to Representation.” In Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe, eds. Matland, Richard E. and Montgomery, Kathleen A.. New York: Oxford University Press, 81105.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kunovich, Sheri L. 2003. “The Representation of Polish and Czech Women in National Politics: Predicting Electoral List Position.” Comparative Politics 35 (3): 273–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kunovich, Sheri L. 2012. “Unexpected Winners: The Significance of an Open list System on Women's Representation in Poland.” Sociology Research 1: 153–77.Google Scholar
Lühiste, Maarja. 2015. “Party Gatekeepers’ Support for Viable Female Candidacy in PR-List System.” Politics & Gender 11 (1): 89116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marcinkiewicz, Kamil, and Stegmaier, Mary. 2015. “Ballot Position Effects Under the Compulsory and Optional Preferential-List PR Electoral System.” Political Behavior 37 (2): 465486.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matland, Richard E. 1993. “Institutional Variables Affecting Female Representation in National Legislatures: The Case of Norway.” Journal of Politics 55 (3): 737–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matland, Richard E. 1998. “Women's Representation in National Legislatures: Developed and Developing Countries.” Legislative Studies Quarterly 23 (1): 109–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matland, Richard E., and Studlar, Donley T.. 1996. “The Contagion of Women Candidates in Single-Member District and Proportional Representation Electoral Systems: Canada and Norway.” Journal of Politics 58 (3): 707–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matland, Richard E., and Lilliefeldt, Emelie. 2014. “The Effects of Preferential Voting on Women's Representation.” In Representation: The Case of Women, eds. Escobar-Lemmon, Maria C. and Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M.. New York: Oxford University Press, 79102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matonytė, Irmina. 2015. “National and European Gender Equality Legislation: A Mismatch of Agendas and Hesitant Feminism in Lithuania.” In States of Democracy Gender and politics in the European Union, ed. Galligan, Yvonne. New York: Routledge, 100118.Google Scholar
Matonytė, Irmina, and Mejerė, Oksana. 2011. “Politinio atstovavimo galimybių plėtra? Lietuvos parlamentarų požiūrio į moterų kvotas analizė” [Expansion of political representation opportunities? Analysis of attitudes of Lithuanian parliamentarians toward women's quotas]. Parlamento Studijos 10. http://www.parlamentostudijos.lt/Nr10/10_politika_1.htm (accessed July 1, 2019).Google Scholar
McElroy, Gail and Marsh, Michael. 2010. “Candidate Gender and Voter Choice: Analysis from a Multimember Preferential Voting System.” Political Research Quarterly 63 (4): 822–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Meriläinen, Jaakko, and Tukiainen, Janne. 2018. “Rank Effects in Political Promotion.” Public Choice 177 (1): 87109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Millard, Frances. 2004. Elections, Parties and Representation in Post-Communist Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Nechemias, Carol. 2008. “Democratization and Women's Access to Legislative Seats: The Soviet Case, 1989–1991.” Women & Politics 14 (3): 118.Google Scholar
Norris, Pippa. 2004. Electoral Engineering: Voting Rules and Political Behavior. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ragauskas, Rimvydas, and Thames, Frank. 2019. “Cross-Tier Personal Gains in Mixed Electoral Systems.” Working paper.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ramonaitė, Ainė. 2007. Posovitinės Lietuvos politinė anatomija: Visuomenės socialinių santykių ypatumai ir pasitikėjimas [Postcommunist Lithuanian political anatomy: Peculiarities of public social relationships and trust]. Vilnius: Versus Aureus.Google Scholar
Ramonaitė, Ainė. 2013. “Kas ilgisi sovietmečio? Ekonominio status, socialinės aplinkos ir vertybinių nuostatų įtaka sovietinei-antisovietinei skirčiai Lietuvoje” [Who is nostalgic about the Soviet past? The impact of economic status, social networks and ideological beliefs on the Soviet–anti-Soviet cleavage in Lithuania]. Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas [Sociology: Thought and Action] 33 (2): 265–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ramonaitė, Ainė. 2014. “Socialinės klasės, sovietmečio vertinimas ir naujoji rinkėjų karta” [Social classes, Soviet-era assessment, and the new generation of voters]. In Kaip renkasi Lietuvos rinkėjai? Idėjos, interesai ir įvaizdžiai politikoje [How do Lithuanian voters choose? Ideas, interests, and images in politics], ed. Ramonaitė, Ainė. Vilnius: Vilniaus Universiteto leidykla, 4564.Google Scholar
Roberts, Andrew, Seawright, Jason, and Cyr, Jennifer. 2012. “Do Electoral Laws Affect Women's Representation?Comparative Political Studies 46 (12): 1555–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rosen, Jennifer. 2011. “The Effects of Political Institutions on Women's Political Representation: A Comparative Analysis of 168 Countries from 1992 to 2010.” Political Research Quarterly 66 (2): 306–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rosenbluth, Frances, Salmond, Rob, and Thies, Michael F.. 2006. “Welfare Works: Explaining Female Legislative Representation.” Politics & Gender 2 (2): 165–92.Google Scholar
Salmond, Rob. 2006. “Proportional Representation and Female Parliamentarians.” Legislative Studies Quarterly 31 (2): 175204.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schmidt, Gregory D. 2008. “The Election of Women in List PR Systems: Testing the Conventional Wisdom.” Electoral Studies 28: 190203.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie A., Malecki, Michael, and Crisp, Brian F.. 2010. “Candidate Gender and Electoral Success in Single Transferable Vote Systems.” British Journal of Political Science 40 (3): 693709.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shugart, Matthew Søberg, Valdini, Melody Ellis, and Suominen, Kati. 2005. “Looking for Locals: Voter Information Demands and Personal Vote-Earning Attributes of Legislators under Proportional Representation.” American Journal of Political Science 49 (2): 437–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stegmaier, Mary, Tosun, Jale, and Vlachova, Klara. 2014. “Women's Parliamentary Representation in the Czech Republic: Does Preference Voting Matter?East European Politics Societies and Cultures 28 (1): 187204.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tavits, Margit, and Letki, Natalia. 2009. “When Left Is Right: Party Ideology and Policy in Post-Communist Europe.” American Political Science Review 103 (4): 555–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Thames, Frank C., and Williams, Margaret S.. 2010. “Incentives for Personal Votes and Women's Representation in Legislatures.” Comparative Political Studies 43 (12): 15751600.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Valdini, Melody Ellis. 2013. “Electoral Institutions and Manifestation of Bias: The Effect of the Personal Vote on the Representation of Women.” Politics & Gender 9 (1): 7692.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wauters, Bram, Weekers, Karolien, and Maddens, Bart. 2010. “Explaining the Number of Preferential Votes for Women in an Open List PR System: An Investigation of the 2003 Federal Elections in Flanders (Belgium).” Acta Politica 45 (4): 468–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wilcox, Clyde, Stark, Beth, and Thomas, Sue. 2003. “Popular Support for Electing Women in Eastern Europe.” In Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe, eds. Matland, Richard E. and Montgomery, Kathleen A.. New York: Oxford University Press, 4362.CrossRefGoogle Scholar