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Analysis of a Sound Group: SL and TL in Norwegian

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 February 2021

Einar Haugen
Einar Haugen*
Affiliation:
University of Wisconsin
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Extract

It has long been known that the distinction between sl and tl, which existed in Old Norse, has been lost in the modern dialects of Norway. In his Norsk Grammatik of 1864 Ivar Aasen wrote:

these sounds generally become one, and are rarely distinguished with any precision. In southeastern Norway [søndenfjelds] sl only is heard, thus esle instead of etla, lisle for litle, Fesling for Fetling. In western Norway [vestenfjelds] tl only is usually heard, thus hatl for hasl, kvitl for kvisl, reitla for reidsla. In northern Norway [nordenfjelds] they coalesce into a special sound, which resembles ltl, ltj, or lsch, but which cannot be otherwise designated with the usual letters.

Type
Research Article
Information
PMLA , Volume 57 , Issue 3 , September 1942 , pp. 879 - 907
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1942

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References

Notes

1 Pp. 30-31.

2 Norvegia, p. 119.

3 Ibid., p. 104.

4 See especially the various monographs of Amund B. Larsen on Norwegian dialects, Hægstad, Vestnorske Maalf⊘re, and Seip, Norsk Språkhistorie.

5 In addition to the printed dialect monographs, the writer has used the unprinted material in the possession of Rektor dr. Didrik Arup Seip, consisting of theses written by students at the University of Oslo, and the notebooks of Johan Storm, preserved at Universitetsbiblioteket, Oslo. The writer is grateful to Rektor Seip for permission to use the former, and to Stipendiat Olai Skulerud for assistance with the latter.

6 The information on the first two maps was drawn from the following sources: Ross, Norske Bygdemaal, passim; Larsen, Oversigt; Hægstad, Vestnorske Maalf⊘re; Storm, Norsk Lydskrift; Aasen, Norsk Ordbog; Ross, Norsk Ordbog; Torp, Nyn. Etym. Ordb. (Storm's notebooks are cited in the following simply as Storm with the numbers and pages following, see Skulerud in Larsen Festskrift.) Akershus: Bærum Storm A VIII, Storm & Skulerud, Festskr. Amund Larsen; Nesodden Storm F XIII; Hakadal Storm A VIII; Ullensaker Kolsrud Falk Festskr. 442; Romerike Kolsrud Romeriksmaalet; Ås Storm F XIII; Østre Aker, S⊘rfrkedal, Asker Storm & Skulerud, Festskr. Amund Larsen. Aust-Agder: Setisdalen Storm, Ordlister, 87; Fjære Mathias Moy, unprinted Hovedopgave 1937; Vegårshei Sigvald Holen, unprinted Hovedopgave. Bergen: Larsen & Stoltz, Bergens Bymål (1912), 90. Buskerud: Drammen, R⊘yken, Lier, Hurum, Eiker Storm & Skulerud, Amund Larsen Festskr.; Flesberg Tov Flatin, Flesberg-Maalet 1923; Gol Storm C VI, D XII; Hemsedal, Hol Storm B VI, C II; Nes Storm C VI; Norderhov Skulerud ANVA 1926, p. 35; Nore, Rollag, Uvdal Storm C II, D XI; Ringerike (Ådal) Skulerud Festskr. Hjalmar Falk, 402; Rollag Bj⊘rset 1902, 7; Ål, Torpo Storm C II, B VI. Hedmark: Alvdal Storm A VI; Sol⊘r Amund Larsen, VSS 1894. No. 4, pp. 102-103 & Storm F XIV & XV; Eidskogen Storm C V; Elverum Storm A VI, B V, and Johan Hogstad, Elvromsmaalets Grammatik (1906); Engerdalen og Drevsj⊘ Storm A VI; L⊘ten Storm A VIII; Storelvdal Storm A VI; Trysil Paul Gardåsen, Hovedopgave (unprinted) & Storm A VI; Tynnset Storm Ordlister, J⊘rgen Reitan Tynnsetmåtet (1926); Tyldal Storm C V; Vang Storm A VIII; Rendalen Storm A VI, B I, C I and Ordlister; Åmot Storm A VI; Åsnes Finnskog Norvegia II, 25. Hordaland: Hardanger Storm A DC, B IXa, Chr. Vidsteen, Oplysninger (1885); R⊘ldal Storm C I; Voss Leiv Heggstad, Vossemålet (1932), Storm A X, B IXa, Chr. Vidsteen Oplysninger (1884), 15; Sunnhordland Chr. Vidsteen, Ordbog (1900), Oplysninger (1882). M⊘re og Romsdal: Aure Storm B VIII (by Am. Larsen) also Ross NB 1908, 65; Kristiansund Ivar Hoel (Maal og Minne 1915); Kvernes Trygve Kj⊘l, Hovedopgave (unprinted), 1931; Rindalen Eilert Mo, Tonelagstilh⊘ve (1923); Todalen Eilert Moe, Todalsmålet (1922), 8; Sundalen Storm C VI, F XIX; Sande Storm C VI; Sunelven Storm C VI; Surendalen Storm C VI; Tresfjorden Hans Rypdal, Romsdalsmål (1929); Volda & Ørsta Ivar Aasen, S⊘ndm⊘rsk Grammatik (1851). Nord-Tr⊘ndelag: Indre Namdalen (Grong) Storm C I; H⊘ilandet Storm B VIII (by Amund B. Larsen); Mosviken Storm B VIII (by A. B. L.); Stod Storm B VIII (by A. B. L.); Verran Storm C I. Nordland: Gims⊘y Hallfrid Christiansen, Gims⊘y-målet (1933); Salten Einar B. Skånlund, Saltamålet (1933); Vefsn V. Riksheim, Ljodvokstren (1921). Opland: Fåberg Kolsrud, Falk Festskr 451 & Ingvald Doseth, Hovedopgave (unprinted), 1937; Upper Gudbrandsdal (Lesje, Dovre, Lom, Skjåk, Vågå, Sel), Storm Ordlister & Karl Bj⊘rset, Syd-Lesje og Nord-Dovremaalets lyd- og formlœre (1900); Nord-Aurdal Storm A IV; Nord-Fron Storm B VII; Valdres Storm C I; Østre Slidre Ole O. Hegge, Utgreiding (1925); Toten Kolsrud, Festskr. Falk, 451; Øyer Bj⊘rset 1910, 8-9. Oslo: Amund Larsen, Kristiania Bymål (1907). Rogaland: Ryfylke Per Thorsen, Ryfylke-målet (1930) and Målet i Nordaust-Ryfylke (1929); Stavanger Berntsen & Larsen, Stavanger Bymål (1925), 203. Sogn og Fjordane: Nordfjord Lars E. S⊘reide, Nordfjordmálet (1930) and Storm A XII, C I, C VI; Sunnfjord (F⊘rde Storm A XII, C VI; J⊘ster, Holsen Ross, Norske Bygdemål 1909, 7); Sogn George T. Flom The Dialect of Aurland (1915), Amund Larsen, Sognemålene (1922 f.) and Storm A XII, C VI. S⊘r-Tr⊘ndelag: Notes on several communities by Am. B. Larsen in Storm F XIX (Melhus, Tydalen, St⊘ren, Orkdal, Budal, Meldalen, Kvikne, Opdal); Hemne P. E. Sivertsen, Maalet i Hemna (1906); Opdal notes by writer and Ola J. Rise, Opdalsmål (1933); Orkdal Storm C VI; Rennebu Storm C V; R⊘ros J⊘rgen Reitan, R⊘rosmålet (1932); Selbu Amund B. Larsen, Norvegia, ii, 243; Tydalen, Ålen, Holtålen, Singsås Storm B VIII; Soknedalen Storm B VIII; Strinda Arne Tilset, Målet i Strinda (1924); Trondheim Storm B VIII (ved. A.B.L.); Tydalen & Guldalen, Amund B. Larsen, Oplysninger om Dialekten i Selbo og Guldalen (1881), 36; Ålen J⊘rgen Reitan, Aalens maalf⊘re (1906), 40. Telemark: upper Telemark Ross, Norske Bygdemål; B⊘ Storm C II; Gransherad Storm B IVa; Heddal Storm B IVa & CII; Sauland Storm C II; Hjartdal Storm B IVa & Norvegia i, 92; Tuddal Storm C II & B IVa; Hovin Storm B IVa; Skafså Storm A XII; Mo Storm C II; Mj⊘sstrondi Storm A IX; Saude Storm B IVa; Nesherad Storm C II & B IVa; Tinn Storm, Ordlister & Olai Skulerud, Tinnsmaalet (1922); Vinje Storm C I; Morgedal Storm A IX. Troms: Bardo & Målselv J⊘rgen Reitan, Maal og Minne 1928; Senja Ragnvald Iversen, Senjen-maalet (1913), 68; Helg⊘y Storm A VIII; Salangen Jakob Markussen, Hovedopgave (unprinted). Vestfold: Tj⊘me, Tj⊘lling, Tanum, Sem, Andebu, Ramnes, Hedrum, Lardal, Hof, Sande, Skoger, Sandherad, all in Olai Skulerud, Festskr. Amund Larsen. T⊘nsberg Trygve Knudsen, Festskrift Amund Larsen, 138. Vest-Agder: Lyngdal, Valle Am. Larsen, Indberetning 1891, 236; Gyland P. Kydland, Gylands-målet (1940), 38; Åseral Seip, Åsd⊘lmålet (1915), 41.

Addenda: Elverum Lindberg, Opusc. Phon. IV, 19; Ål Römcke, Norvegia II, 142; Vest-Agder Hannaas (1925); Snåsa, Frosta, Stj⊘rdalen Storm F XIX (by A. B. L.); Asker, Fet, Hakadal, Nes, Ramnes, Tr⊘gstad, Spydeberg Storm C III; Nordre Land, Vestre Toten, Øyer, Romedal, L⊘ten Storm C IV; F⊘rde, Breim, Hornindal, Riste, Sande Storm F XXV.

As will be seen from the above, the following have been inaccessible to me: Kolsrud, Eidsvollsmaalet (1916); Birger Marteinussen, Maalet i B⊘i Vesteraalen (1907); Karl Braset, Sparbu-maalet (1903); Peter Lunde, Maalet i S⊘gne (1913); Johan Hveding, Tysfjordmålet (1921).

7 After g: bygsl ‘rent’ byksl Ytre Rendal; bœgsl ‘hindrance’ Nordfjord. After k: aksel (ON Qxl) ‘shoulder’ Elverum, Øvre Rendal, oksl Aurland (and Sogn generally), ⊘ksl & ⊘kkel Leikanger, Lyster, aksel vs. Norderhov, R⊘ros; beksl ‘bridle’ (alternates with ON beizl, see footnote 21); griksla ‘warm bread’ Helgeland; jeksel (ON jaxl) ‘molar’ jæks'l Grue, R⊘ros, Tydal, jeksel (def. ) Ådal, jeksle Ytre Rendal (but jehle Øvre Rendal), jakedl Aurland; veksla ‘change’ Sogndal, veksle Fon, veksle & væşle Norderhov, Ådal, veksle Lesje-Dovre-Vågå (but Trysil, va(r)sla Voss, ve(r)sla Hardanger, vesle M⊘sstrand); diksle ‘window hook’ Aurland. After m: g⊘ymsla ‘hiding’ Ryfylke, Voss (note geymhlu in some older documents); skrœmsel ‘terror’ Elverum. After n: finsleg ‘fine’ feinsle Aurland; reinsleg ‘cleanly’ rainsle Aurland, R⊘ros, Sol⊘r; rensel ‘running’ Elverum, rensl R⊘ros; uvanslig ‘easy’ Ryfylke, R⊘ros; (but note the two names reported from Hjelmeland: Steintland, Tuntland, with regular t for s in this position). After ng: fengsel ‘prison’ R⊘ros, Elverum; hengsle ‘lock’ R⊘ros; stengsel ‘lock’ Hallingdal, R⊘ros, stengşl Sol⊘r. After r: abyrgsla (g usually lost) ‘responsibility’ aabyrsle Hallingdal, aabrysle Sunnm⊘re, aabrygsla Nordhordland (but with loss of r: Opdal); byr(g)sla ‘supplies’ Sunnm⊘re, b⊘rsl(a) Sogn; f⊘rsle ‘transportation’ Romsdal, Sunnm⊘re; h⊘yrsla ‘hearing’ Nordfjord, h⊘şşel R⊘ros; *ringertla ‘wagtail’ rinnihle Øvre Rendal (with loss of r); skirsl (with loss of r) ‘baptism’ in compounds: skitlabadn ‘baptismal child’ Sogn, skjihllarvatn'e ‘baptismal water’ Nordfjord; vermsl (with regular loss of m and frequent loss of r) ‘spring’ versl Nordfjord, Sunnfjord, verslehol Sogn, værsl Senja, veksl Sunnm⊘re (but vehl Orkdal and Tr⊘ndelag generally, vælt Selbu); ⊘rsla ‘dizziness, confusion’ Aurland, Ryfylke, Nordm⊘re, Romerike (but hovetla Sunnhordland).

8 Avreidsla ‘reprimand’ Sunnhordland; breidsla ‘spreading’ Sunnhordland, Karmt, Ryfylke (but bretla elsewhere); ⊘ydsla ‘waste’ (also ⊘ytla); utreidsle ‘expense’ Nordfjord. But reidsla became only rettla.

9 E.g. jeksel (but ) Ådal, Trysil, (but ) R⊘ros.

10 Tynnset, Tyldal, Soknedal, e.g. heṣtn, preṣta, oṣt, ṣtugu etc. In the one word snjo ‘snow’ the change is reported from Opdal (∫n⊘), Sunndal (∫nö), Surendal (∫nj⊘), Ytre Sogn and Jostedalen (∫ny) (writer's notes; Larsen Oversigt 57, Sognemålene).

11 Cf. Professor Olaf Broch in Festskrift Hjalmar Falk (Oslo, 1927), 3: “I fremlyd blir [s] foran [l] i dannet dagligtale praktisk talt gjennemgående supradentalt . . . Inde i ord er overgangen . . . ikke så gjennemf⊘rt i mine kredse. Men tendensen synes nærmest å gå i retning av š1 også her . . .”

12 Kristiania Bymål, 74. Cf. Sigrid Undset, Samlede Romaner og Fortœllinger fra Nutiden V, 7: schwinaktig morsomme landturer; Øverland, Er vårt sprog avskaffet (1940), 10: “Nå schka det bli vanskelig for dom fine å schnakke rekti!”

13 Loc. cit.

14 Trygve Knudsen, Festskrift Amund Larsen, 138. “Jargon” in Norway refers to clique or class slang.

15 Tilset, Målet i Strinda. 10.

16 Reitan, VSS 1906, No. 4, p. 40.

17 “Probleme der Phonologie,” Ungarische Jahrbücher XV (1935), 193-208. Kindly called to my attention by W. F. Twaddell.

18 In Vang, Hedmark , but sometimes ; in Sol⊘r “sl seems to be entering from the cultivated language and from other communities”; in Fåberg ∫l is gaining, esp. among the young, and in the south.

19 gjœtslegut ‘herdsboy’ jæhltgut Åmot, Land, Toten, Biri, Vardal; gjœtslesvein ‘herdsboy’ jæhltsvein Gudbrandsdal, Nordm⊘re; gjœtslemark ‘pasture’ jeltmark Gims⊘y; hasl ‘hazel’ halt Orkdal, Nordm⊘re, Helgeland, Kvernes, Surendal, Fåberg; haslskog ‘hazel woods’ haltskog Vefsn; vesleguten ‘the little boy’ vehltgutn Vågå; Vesle-Per ‘little Per’ vælt-per Vang (Hedmark); ver(m)sl ‘spring’ vælt Selbu; etla ‘intend’ ælt Namdalen, Fosen, Nordm⊘re Helgeland, elte Senja; d⊘ydsl ‘cadaver’ d⊘yhlt Fosen; tatl (or tasl) ‘useless work’ tahlt Trondheim; kvisl ‘forked branch’ kvihlt Vågå, Sel, Lesje, Dovre (also kvihl).

20 Aasen associates it with an Icelandic beygsl ‘something bent’ or a hypothetical *bœgsl ‘a hindrance.‘ The form with k is found in the Faroe Islands also: båksl; cf. Hægstad VNM II2 2, 117.

21 Forms with k: in area 1—baeks'l Torpo, Å1, baeiks'l Hol (also bæihl), beks'l Morgedal (Telemark); in area 2—bæksel Bærum, bækṣeḷ Asker, bekṣḷ Norderhov, Ådal; in area 3—bekṣel South Rendal, bækṣ'l Sunndal, beksl Riste, Sande (Sunnm⊘re), beksl Fåberg, Sel, Vågå, Lesja, Dovre, baiksöl Lom, Skjåk, beiksl Breim, beksl Gloppen, Hornindal, F⊘rde. Forms without k: in area 1—beisl Vest Telemark, Tinn, baisl Valle; area 3—behl Ålen, northern part of Rendal, beitla Sunnm⊘re, behllar (plural) Nordfjord; area 4—bait'l Voss, betl Lavik, Aurland, beitl R⊘ldal, Nordhordland, baitsl Årdal (?), betl, beitl Ryfylke.

22 lissje Hornindalen, likkje Stadslandet, likkj Senja, likkje Ålen.

23 Fjære, Vegårshei, Bjelland (also sl); according to P. Kydland, Gylandsmålet, 38, ll is used in the coastal area south of Gyland.

24 Norsk språkhistorie, 299.

25 eitel'gland'plural eitla Salta; gvitel ‘coverlet’ plural gvitla Numedal (similarly kvitel in Upper Telemark and Setisdal); skyttil ‘shuttle’ plural skytlar Toten, Land, Gudbrandsdalen, Ringerike; setel ‘note,’ plural setla Sunnm⊘re; beitel ‘bridle’ plural beitla Sunnm⊘re (but eihla, kvihla).

26 Area 1: aisli ‘gland,’ plural aisla Setisdal (aihle, eisle, plural eislar Hallingdal); fasle 'shoulder strap’ Telemark, Setisdal, Vegårshei; hasle ‘hazel’ Setisdal; kasle ‘kettle’ Telemark, Setisdal, kahle Hallingdal; skusle ‘shuttle’ Telemark, Nore; kvihle Ål kvissol, plural kvislē Tuddal. Area 2: fassel ‘shoulder strap’ Ådal, i Norderhov. Area 3: ‘gland’ Ålen; fåhl ‘shoulder strap’ Opdal, fehlle Ålen; skuhl ‘shuttle’ Salta. Area 4: fatle Bergen Gyland; meitle ‘chisel’ Hardanger (elsewhere meitel).

27 vetle Romsdal, Innherred, Telemark, vættli Namdalen, veittle Opdal, vsettlei Nordm⊘re, vetidl Aurland, vetli Setisdal, vettle Nord-Rollag, vættle Øyer.

28 With regular sound change: godsleg ‘kindly’ gotlige Gyland, gootlig Lista, ugotlige Ryfylke; skitlig ‘mean, offensive’ sjisle Tinn, sjihlle Opdal, şihli R⊘ros, Salta, skihlin Stj⊘rdalen, Fosn, skitli Jæren, Ryfylke; lettlig ‘lively’ lessle Tinn; skjotleg ‘quick’ skjosle Telemark; stusslig ‘depressing, eerie’ stuṣṣli Ådal, Norderhov, stuhlle Opdal, Dovre, Lesja, stusle Valdres, Hallingdal; ubutlig ‘untidy’ obuhle Opdal; umatsleg ‘unpalatable’ omahlle Ålen, -i R⊘ros, -en Øvre Rendalen.

29 blidsleg ‘kindly’ bliskleg Telemark; finsleg ‘fine’ finskleg Hallingdal; godsleg ‘kindly’ goskleg Telemark; lettlig ‘lively’ lesklege Setisdal (and lettlege); reinsleg ‘cleanly’ reinskleg Setisdal, Telemark; vislig ‘wise’ viskleg Telemark.

30 blidsleg ‘kindly’ bleisle Aurland; dritleg ‘perverse’ dretli Vegårshei; etilig ‘edible’ ætle Opdal; godslig ‘kindly’ goslige Ryfylke, goslege Sunnm⊘re, gousle Aurland, Elverum; gr⊘teleg ‘grievous’ gr⊘tle Opdal; koselig ‘cozy’ Sol⊘r (& T⊘nsberg); passelig ‘suitable’ Trysil Kvernes, passle Aurland; stusslig ‘eerie’ stuşşli Bardo, Elverum, Fåberg, stussle Aurland, Solund; visleg ‘wise’ vislege Sunnm⊘re.

31 Examples: *fatlag ‘eating from one dish’ Opdal; husly ‘shelter’ Aurland; kvitlett ‘blonde’ Strinda, Trondheim, Ådal, klœslaus ‘without clothes’ Ådal, Norderhov; lyslett ‘light complected’ Norderhov; matlag ‘eating together’ Strinda, Trondheim; matlaus ‘without food’ Dovre, Lesja, Vågå, Sel, Øyer, Ådal, Elvrom, Salta, Norderhov, Vegårshei, Hardanger, Saltdalen, M⊘sstrand, Saude, Morgedal, Nord-Rollag; rettleida ‘direct’ Lom, Skjåk, Dovre, Lesje, Vågå, Øyer, Elvrom,. Saltdalen, Hardanger, Trondheim, Strinda; skjotleik ‘speed’ Froland, Tovdal, Åseral, Nedenes; vitl⊘ysa ‘foolishness’ vetl⊘yse Vegårshei.

32 Examples: kvitlett ‘blonde’ gvisleitt Tinn; matlaus ‘without food’ maslous Tinn, masslöus Hornnes, maslause Setisdal; motlag ‘meeting’ moslag Setisdal, Telemark; raptlœgja ‘log on which roof rests’ rahllei Opdal (S⊘r-Tr⊘ndelag); rettleida‘ direct’ resleie Tinn, resslei Nord-Rollag, resslaie Setisdal, Valdres, Tuddal, M⊘sstrand, ressleie Ådal, Norderhov (Ross reports reesleie, Hægstad ressleia, from Sunnfjord, which remains unexplained), rehlelast Sunnm⊘re; skjotleik ‘speed’ skjousläikji Setisdal, Råbyggelaget, Telemark; utlœgr ‘outlaw’ uslæg Telemark.

33 Area 1: f⊘sling Setisdal. Area 2: fesling, fisling Østlandet; bryslyng Hedmark, Vardal, Valdres; kjesling Setisdal, Hornnes. Area 3: b⊘hling Gudbrandsdal; fæihlling, fæisling Sol⊘r; fehling Trondheim, Nordland; kihling Salta. Area 4: fetling Sogn, Sunnhordland; f⊘tling Jæren etc., kjetling Aurland.

34 Reported from Sogn, Voss, Sunnhordland, Ryfylke, Jæren, Dalane, Sunnfjord, and Telemark.

35 susla ‘be given to drunkenness’ Aurland from susa ‘drink’; tasla ‘move slowly’ from tassa, the same, Ryfylke; kruslinn ‘sickly’ from krusken, the same, Ryfylke (kroslen Gyland); grisla ‘spread out thin’ from grisja, the same, Ryfylke, R⊘ldal, Shl. Hard. Nordl.; tisla ‘whisper, tattle’ from tisa, the same, Ryf. Dal. Berg.; drisla ‘drip’ Hard., drusla ‘rain in small drops’ Hardanger, drysla, the same, Sunnhordland, all related to drusa, drysja and a series of such words; bisla ‘gossip’ Ryfylke & Jæren, from bisa, the same; vaslast ‘get wet’ Lista from vass—genitive of vatn; musla ‘chuckle’ Gyland, from musa, mussa, mysa ‘whisper, chatter’ Lister.

36 Kvernnes; brisling Stavanger, Aurland, T⊘nsberg; usle Aurland; Salangen; also vesle Aurland (beside vetle), and nesle ‘nettle’ Tynnset.

37 The association with brisa ‘shine,‘ suggested by Aasen, sounds most improbable.

38 fisla ‘tattle’ very general vs. fihle ‘putter’ Nord-Tr⊘ndelag, S⊘r Helgeland, Nordre Gudbrandsdalen, filkje Breim; gj⊘dsla ‘fertilize’ j⊘sle Øvre Rendal, Elverum, Sol⊘r vs. gj⊘tla ‘fatten’ Sunnhordland, j⊘sle Setisdal, gjyhle Nordfjord; pusla ‘putter’ Ryfylke, Troms, Senja etc. vs. putla ‘putter’ Ryfylke, pusla ‘putter’ vs. potla (the same) Gyland; rusla ‘stroll’ Østlandet, rusla Ryfylke, Hallingdal, Sogn, Lista, Stavanger, rosla Gyland vs. rutla ‘make a noise like thunder’ Ryfylke, Aurland, Sogn, ruhle Hallingdal; rasla ‘rustle’ Ryfylke, Hallingdal, Dalane vs. ratla ‘walk slowly’ Ryfylke; tusla ‘putter’ Ryfylke, ‘whisper’ Lista vs. tutla ‘putter’ Ryfylke, tosla ‘make faint noise,’ tosling ‘good-for-nothing’ vs. totla ‘putter,’ totlen ‘puttering’ Gyland; note also musla ‘chuckle’ in Gyland.

39 The names Asli and Aslak are found with sl in Ryfylke and Aurland, where tl might be expected, and (apparently) with tl in Øyer, where hl is general.

40 This suffix and some others of the same type have been studied by Elof Hellqvist, “Om de nordiska verb på suffixalt -k, -l, -r, -s och -t samt af dem bildade nomina,” Ark. f. n. f., xiv (1898), 1-46, 136-194. Hellqvist's lists are far from complete for the Norwegian material.

41 Survived: dusla ‘putter,’ fatla ‘tie,’ fitla ‘finger,’ húsla ‘housel,’ kitla ‘tickle,’ kvísla ‘branch out,’ skutla ‘waste,’ sýsla ‘be busy,’ tutla ‘whimper,’ vesla ‘decrease, waste away,’ ætla ‘intend.’ Lost: eitla 'sharpen eyes,‘ fetla ‘fasten,’ geisla 'shine,’ gísla ‘give hostages,’ hasla ‘mark out,’ hvísla ‘whisper,’ meitla ‘cut with adze,’ stirtla ‘get up with difficulty,’ ‘wade.’

42 drasla ‘pull’ 1, 3, 4; fisla ‘wag’ 1; fjatla ‘wag’ 1, 3, 4; frisla ‘wag’ 3; gretla ‘eat greedily’ 4; grutla ‘work quickly but carelessly’ 3, 4; husla ‘push aside’ 1; kitla ‘move slightly’ 3; knitla ‘chop with quick, short strokes’ 4; kritla ‘swarm, itch’ 3; krytla ‘swarm’ 4; nasla ‘snatch’ 4; patla ‘walk quickly’ 4; pitla ‘pluck’ 4, also ‘take short steps’ 4; pjotla ‘knit, crochet’ 4; skutla ‘push forward rapidly’ 3, 4; snatla ‘snatch’ 4; smisla ‘smile secretively’ 1; smusla ‘smile secretively’ 1, 2; snusla ‘sniff around’ 1, 3, 4?; spratla ‘jump’ 1, 4; spritla ‘stir, squirm’ 1, 3, 4; strusla ‘untwist’ 1; tisla ‘pick apart’ 3; tutla ‘press, squeeze.‘

43 bratla 3; dasla 3; disla 1, 4; dutla 3, 4; fatla 4; fatlast 3; fitla 3, 4; fjatla 1, 3, 4; fjusla 1, 3, 4; fusla 1, 3?; knatla 4; kratla 1, 3; krutla 1, 3, 4; lasla 4; masla 3; mutla 1, 3, 4; mysla 1,4; njatla 4; nusla 1, 3; pjotla 4; prisla 4; prutla 3; pusla 2, 3, 4; sysla 1,3; tasla 3, 4; trusla seg 4, tusla 1, 3, 4; vasla 3.

44 dasla 3; dratla 1, 3, 4; dritla 3, 4; drusla 4?; fjatla 1, 3, 4; fjotla 1, 4; fj⊘tla 4; ketla 3; kratla 1, 3; ratla 1, 3, 4; rusla 1, 2, 3, 4; skjaasla 1, 4; tasla 1, 2?, 3, 4; trasla 3; tusla 1, 2, 3, 4; tvisla 3.

45 drisla 1, 3; drusla 1; drysla 1; kvisla 1, 3; risla 1,2?, 3; sisla 1, 2, 4; skrisla 1; skvisla 1, 4; spritla 1, 3, 4; stritla (3), 4; titla (not localized).

46 brutla ‘make a faint, distant noise’ 3, 4; dusla ‘graze’ 3; gnatla ‘gnaw’ 3; gnisla ‘snicker’ 1, ‘sharp noise’ 2; knasla ‘chew quickly with open mouth and audible sound’ 4, ‘rattle weakly’ 1; knisla ‘whinny, snicker’ 1, 3, 4; knusla ‘rustle with faint sound’ 1; kritla ‘snicker’ 4; krutla ‘boil gently’ 1, 3, 4; mutla ‘chew slowly’ 1, 3; natla ‘knock gently, chew’ 1, 3; nosla ‘eat like pig’ 3; nusla ‘munch’ 3; pusla ‘boil gently’ 4; skvisla ‘splash’ 1, 4; spritla ‘chuckle, squirt’ 1, 3, 4; tvasla ‘splash’ 3.

47 bratla ‘work noisily’ 4; dratla ‘fall with noise, especially like peas’ 4; fratla ‘crackle’ 3; grisla ‘make a racket’ 1; kvasla ‘rattle’; rasla ‘fall down with a crash’ 3; rusla ‘rattle’ 3; skratla ‘rattle, rustle, creak’ 1, 3, 4; skvasla ‘splash’ 1, 3, 4; skvutla ‘splash’ 4; susla ‘splash, spill, cluck’ 1, 3, 4; tatla ‘chew with difficulty’ 3; trasla ‘walk heavily and noisily’ 1, 3 (also same as dratla); skrotla ‘cry of birds’ 4.

48 bisla (forms irregular) 4; dasla 4; disla 1; fisla 1, 2, 3, 4, but with irregular forms (sl); husla ‘joke’ 3; jasla 3, 4; rasla (sl forms in 4); skratla ‘laugh loudly’ 1, 3, 4; susla 3; svisla 3; tatla 1, 3, 4; tjaatla ‘talk nonsense’ 4; tjatla ‘haggle, quarrel’ 4; tusla 4?; tvasla 1, 3, 4; vasla ‘talk nonsense’ 3; ⊘sla ‘joke’ 1.

49 husla ‘ruin, waste time’ 1, 4; kvisla, kvislast ‘waste away’ 1, 4; skrutlast ‘be worn down’ 1; skutla ‘waste’ 1, 2, 3, 4; skvasla ‘waste away’ 1; træsla, træslast ‘waste away’ 3; tuslast ‘waste away’ (sl form in 4); tvislast ‘waste away, shrink’ 1, 4.

50 fitla ‘itch’ 3; kitla ‘tickle’ 1, 3, 4; kritla ‘itch’ 1, 3, 4; kutla ‘tickle’ 4; prisla ‘tickle, itch, sting’ 4.

51 Cf. pairs like the following: drisla—drasla, gnisla—gnatla, krisla—krasla, risla—rasla, skvisla—skvasla.

52 Cf. George T. Flom on a similar situation in English dialects, “A list of English dialect Verbs with the suffix -l,” Dialect Notes, ii (1900-04), 404-415. “This 1-suffix is a living suffix, generally with the meaning of smallness or frequency; it has been added in comparatively recent times to a large number of verbs, giving to such words a diminutive, iterative, or frequentative significance. . . . The idea of smallness has developed that of the trifling, the insignificant, the worthless.”

53 ofgœytlan for Hom. See VNM, i, 146.

54 VNM, ii2 2, p. 45.

55 VNM, i, 146.

56 VNM, ii2 1, p. 125.

57 VNM, ii1, 56-57.

58 Altn. Gr. i4, 14.

59 BBym., 90.

60 NSprh., 297-300.

61 On this see esp. Vestfoldminne ii, 208-209.

62 Lydverket, SNVA 1938. No. 7. Oslo, 1939, p. 105.

63 Note that Seip says: “Tendensen har tydelig vært assimilasjon over hele det norske område.” NSpr. 299. By this he means, however, that the two consonants (s plus l, or t plus l) tended to be assimilated, a tendency which was heroically resisted in area 4.

64 sytluman Skien 1308 DN, i, 116; Atleifs Oslo 1355 DN, v, 220, etc.

65 ætkuitsl AM 71 qto. NGL, ii, 93 (1320-50); lisla Stavanger 1379 VNM, ii, 1, 56, etc.

66 Seip, NSpr. 183, 186, 297. Cf. vatzbotn>vassbotten, vitskap>visskap (Aasen, from Hallingdal); “Forved s ville t og d blive utydelige,” e.g., til Mots, Baats, ytst, slits, lætst (Aasen, Gram 2, 41).

67 Selbu, Sol⊘r, Nes (Telemark), Hallingdal, and Sogn initially; Sol⊘r, Nes, and Hallingdal medially. Amund Larsen states that he knows a great number of places in southern Norway where sl and hl alternate 'without visible geographic borderline.“ (Sognemålene, p. 25). He also makes the very interesting statement that this is in contrast to the distribution of ∫l, where there is always a clear borderline: ”does this signify that the difference between dental and retracted articulation is perceived by us as more marked than the distinction between sl and hl?“

68 Norvegia i, 92.

69 Dialekter og Dialektforskning (1927), 40.

70 Of the more than 100 misspellings of sl and tl only two fail to end in l: Gilstir Gul. VNM, i, 90; abreilz Kinn 1322 DN ii, 147.

71 I view with some doubt Seip's theory that the l and ll spellings so common in areas 1 and 2 represent an actual voiced l. They are found impartially for older sl and tl, so they cannot be connected with the Danish development in which only the tl was assimilated to ll (see below). They have left no trace in the modern dialects; the form velle given from Toten by Kolsrud stands too isolated to prove much (Vestfoldminne, ii, 209). Such forms as “lille” may either be borrowed from Dano-Norwegian or be connected with the Danish development. The l‘s of the old manuscripts probably represent unvoiced l‘s.

72 Gr⊘tvedt, Lydverket, 105.

73 In his Oversigt over de norske Bygdemaal (1898) Amund Larsen declared that the lines were identical (pp. 30, 58), but retracted this statement in a footnote on page 80.

74 One of the earliest examples of dl for ll is from 1438, cf. Hægstad VNM, ii2 1, 143.

75 Note that Hægstad assumes this very development for Ryfylke in an attempt to explain the spelling Gillæson 1366, VNM, ii1, 56-57. Amund Larsen was apparently the first to point out the parallel between tl and dl. In Sognemålene (p. 6) he wrote about the characteristic West Norwegian changes of ll to dl, etc.: “this is in some degree—though just how is uncertain—connected with such consonant changes as that of rl to dl, rn to dn, and more remotely with such changes as fn to bn, sl to tl, etc. . . .” He believed that the West Norwegian forms were due to an exaggerated care in the preservation of traditional forms, while the East Norwegian were due to “carelessness” and “an attempt to accommodate the inherited sounds to the convenience of the articulating organs.”

76 Br⊘ndum-Nielsen, Gammeldansk Grammatik, ii, 227-228.

77 See e.g. Gustaf Billing, Åsbomålets Ljudlära (Sv. Lm., x, 2). Stockholm, 1890; Nils Olséni, Södra Luggudemålets Ljudlära (Sv. Lm., vi, 4). Stockholm, 1887; Ernst Wigforss, Södra Hollands Folkmål (Sv. Lm., B 13). Stockholm 1913-18.

78 Våra Folkmål (Sth., 1935), 25. See also A. T. Ålander, Konsonanterna i Östergötlands Folkmål (Upps., 1932), i, 291; ii, 134. Samuel Landtmanson, Studier över Västgötamålets lock r-ljud. (Stockh., 1905), 9.

79 Noreen, Fårömålets Ljudlära (Stockh., 1879), 304.

80 Cf. Noreen, Altschw. Gram. $pR44, 2, 334, 290, anm. 1. A. J. Ålander, Konsonanterna i Östergötlands Folkmål, ii, (Uppsala, 1932), 46. Elias Grip, Skuttungemålets Ljudlära (Stockholm, 1901), 129.

81 Borgström, Askersmålets Ljudlära (Stockh., 1913), 23; Gjerdman, Studier över de Sörmländska Stadsmålens Kvalitativa Ljudlära, i (Upps., 1918), 97 f.; Kallstenius, Värmländska Bärgslagsmålets Ljudlära (Stockholm, 1902), 106; Noreen, Dalbymålets Ljudlära (Stockh., 1879), 189; Ålander, op. cit., i, 291; Lundell, in Sv. Lm., i, 76; Torsten Ericsson, Grundlinjer till undersökningen av Södermanlands Folkmål. (Stockh., 1914), 136.

82 Lundell, Sv. Lm., i, 76; Grip, Skuttungemålet (Stockh., 1901), 129, 135; Hagfors, Gamlakarlebymålet (Stockh., 1891), 63; Isaacsson, Om södra Fjärdhundralands Folkmål (St., 1923), 78; Karsten, Kökarsmålets Ljud- ock Formlära (Stockh., 1892), 45; Lindgren, Burträskmålets Ljudlära (Stockh., 1890-1919), 240; (E.) Noreen, Ärtemarksmålets Ljudlära (Stockh., 1907), 29; (A.) Noreen, Ordlista öfver Dalmålet (Stockh., 1883), 114; Reitan, Vemdalsmålet (Oslo, 1930); Tiselius, Ljud- ock Formlära för Fasternamålet i Roslagen (Stockh., 1902-03); Vendell, Runömålet (Stockh., 1882-87), 36; Tiberg, Rågösvenskan (Stockh., 1940), 333.

83 Vacillation is reported from Gamlakarleby (Finland), Lillhärdal (Härjedalen), Fasterna (Uppland), Bärgslagen (Värmland), Fryksdal (Värmland), Ärtemark (Dalsland), Asker (Närke), Södermanland, Västergötland, and Östergötland.

84 Includes a large number of words: fisle, gnisle, krisle, krusle, pusle, rusle, risle, sysle, tusle, knussel, hassel, bissel, etc.

85 Hamsun, Ibsen; see quotations in Norsk Riksmåls-Ordbok.

86 The latest orthography (1938) writes: firfisle, nesle, but litla, kitla, and permits both spellings for etla and fetla.