In October 1966, a conference of Czech, Slovak, and Magyar historians discussed in Bratislava (Czechoslovakia) the characteristics of Fascism in their respective countries. The nature of Slovak nationalism caught the attention of the participants. While mainly analysing Slovak-Magyar relations, the scholars touched only slightly on some of the other ethnic groups living in Slovakia, Germans, Ukrainians, Poles, Gypsies, and Jews. In order to study and understand Slovak nationalism during the Second World War, problems and conditions of each of the above-metnioned groups should be studied. A mutual comparison might assist in the creation of a substantive summary. Yet even a most thoroughgoing analysis of the relations between a dominant nation and the subjected minorities would not provide us with a comprehensive definition of Slovak nationalism.

In the eighteenth century, prior to the partitioning of the Polish Commonwealth by its neighbors, the Polish szlachta or gentry constituted the Polish “nation.” Then, of course, the term did not have an ethnic connotation but rather a political one: the gentry alone had all the rights that came with full citizenship in the Polish state. The existence of such a privileged ruling class or estate was not uncommon in Europe. The szlachta, however, differed in two important respects from the gentry of most other European states. First of all, the Polish gentry included an unusually large portion of the total population: 9–10 per cent (25 per cent of the Polish-speaking population). Secondly, in theory all members of the szlachta had equal political rights whether they were magnates or completely landless. Consequently, when in the nineteenth century economic forces gradually transformed Polish society from a feudal social structure into a more modern one, individuals of gentry origin acted as a leaven bringing their consciousness of membership in the nation to the new classes of society that they joined. Some of the szlachta, influenced by the Enlightenment and the “Democratic Revolution” as well as by the obvious need for internal reform, sought to broaden the concept of the nation to include the other social classes even before Poland lost its independence. They, however, still conceived of the nation in terms of citizenship in the state. It is therefore ironic that this social broadening of the concept of the Polish nation actually occurred in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when the Polish state did not exist.