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Feminism, Pragmatism or Both? Czech Radical Nationalism and the Woman Question, 1898–1914

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2018

T. Mills Kelly*
Affiliation:
George Mason University, U.S.A.

Extract

During a debate on the franchise reform bill in the Austrian Reichsrat on 12 September 1906, the Czech National Socialist Party deputy Václav Choc demanded that suffrage be extended to women as well as men. Otherwise, Choc asserted, the women of Austria would be consigned to the same status as “criminals and children.” Choc was certainly not the only Austrian parliamentarian to voice his support for votes for women during the debates on franchise reform. However, his party, the most radical of all the Czech nationalist political factions, was unique in that it not only included women's suffrage in its official program, as the Social Democrats had done a decade earlier, but also worked hard to change the political status of women in the Monarchy while the Social Democrats generally paid only lip service to this goal. Moreover, Choc and his colleagues in the National Socialist Party helped change the terms of the debate about women's rights by explicitly linking the “woman question” to the “national question” in ways entirely different from the prevailing discourse of liberalism in fin-de-siècle Austria. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, liberal reformers, whether German or Czech, tried to mold the participation of women in political life to fit the liberal view of a woman's “proper” role in society. By contrast, the radical nationalists who rose to prominence in Czech political culture only after 1900, attempted to recast the debate over women's rights as central to their two-pronged discourse of social and national emancipation, while at the same time pressing for the complete democratization of Czech political life at all levels, not merely in the imperial parliament. In so doing, and with the active but often necessarily covert collaboration of women associated with the party, these radical nationalists helped extend the parameters of the debate over the place Czech women had in the larger national society.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 2002 Association for the Study of Nationalities 

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References

Notes

1. Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten des Reichsrates (Vienna, 1907), Franchise Reform Committee, 34th Sitting, 12 September 1906, p. 40. The Czech National Socialist Party had no connection to the later German party with the similar name.Google Scholar

2. Judson, Pieter M., “The Gendered Politics of German Nationalism in Austria, 1880–1900,” in Good, David F., Grandner, Margarete and Maynes, Mary Jo, eds, Austrian Women in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Providence: Berghahn, 1996), pp. 118. See also Brigitta Bader-Zaar, “Women in Austrian Politics, 1890–1934: Goals and Visions, in Good, Grandner and Maynes, Austrian Women, pp. 59–90.Google Scholar

3. See for example, the Program Druhého Sjezdu z̆en c̆eskoslovanskżch, 4–7 July 1908. Although the invitations issued for this meeting said it would be a program for “all Czech women,” the descriptions of the sessions and the fact that the bulk of the male speakers were either prominent Young Czechs (liberals) or were somehow connected with the Young Czech party means this program was a specifically liberal affair. Archiv národního v Praze (ANM), Elis̆ka Vozábová collection, Feministické hnuti (1).Google Scholar

4. A representative sampling of these demands can be found in the two radical nationalist newspapers, Samostatnost and C̆eské slovo, 15 February 1908.Google Scholar

5. Women first began to appear in the minutes of National Socialist Party meetings on 20 June 1897, albeit in a very limited role. See In Memoriam Aloise Simonidesa (Prague: Melantrich, 1929), p. 93. Under Austrian law, women could not join political parties, hence the often covert nature of their participation in the public aspects of political life.Google Scholar

6. Dvorak, Eve Nyaradi, “Introduction,” in Good, Grandner and Maynes, Austrian Women, pp. xixxxii.Google Scholar

7. Plamínková, Frantis̆ka, Economic and Social Position of Women in the Czechoslovak Republic (Prague: Politika), p. 5. Quoted from Jitka Malec̆ková, Nationalizing Women and Engendering the Nation: The Czech National Movement, in Blom, Ida, Hagemann, Karen, and Hall, Catherine, eds, Gendered Nations. Nationalism and Gender Order in the Long Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Berg, 2000), pp. 293–310.Google Scholar

8. On this subject, see Judson, Pieter M., Exclusive Revolutionaries. Liberal Politics, Social Experience, and National Identity in the Austrian Empire, 1848–1914 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996). For a comparison of this process in England, see Stephen Heathorn, For Home, Country, and Race: Constructing Gender, Class, and Englishness in Elementary School, 1880–1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999).Google Scholar

9. On the so-called “Badeni Crisis” of 1897 which resulted in martial law in Prague and several other cities, see Berthold Sutter, Die Badenischen Sprachenverordnungen von 1897, 2 vols (Graz: H. Böhlaus, 1966).Google Scholar

10. The Austrian franchise reforms are described in detail in: Jenks, William, The Austrian Electoral Reform of 1907 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974). Useful sources on the campaign for universal manhood suffrage include: Peter Schöffer, Der Wahlrechtskampf der österreichischen Sozialdemokratie 1888/89–1897 (Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag 1986), and Jan Havránek, “Boj za vs̆eobecné, pr̆ímé a rovné hlasovací právo roku 1893, Rozpravy, Vol. 74, No. 2, 1964.Google Scholar

11. On the problematic relationship between democratization and nationalism, see Ghia Nodia, Nationalism and Democracy, in Plattner, Marc and Diamond, Larry J., Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), pp. 322. Nodia argues, “the idea of nationalism is impossible—indeed unthinkable—without the idea of democracy” (p. 4). On the intensity of the political conflicts in Bohemia before the First World War, see T. Mills Kelly, “Taking it to the Streets: Czech National Socialists in 1908,” Austrian History Yearbook, Vol. 29, 1998, pp. 93–112.Google Scholar

12. On this issue, see Frana Zemínová, “Kus historie z̆enského hnutí v nasí stranĕ, in 25 let práce c̆eskoslovenské strany socialistické, 1897–1922, Vol. 1 (Prague: Melantrich, 1922), pp. 117124.Google Scholar

13. On the early years of the Czech women's movement, see Vlasta Kucerová, K historii z̆enského hnutí v C̆echách (Amerlingova era) (Brno, 1914).Google Scholar

14. Malec̆ková, op. cit., p. 297.Google Scholar

15. Despite her prominence in the First Republic, no biographical study of Zemínová exists in any language, perhaps because in her later years she drifted into a close association with Czech fascist circles.Google Scholar

16. Reinfeld, Barbara, “Frantis̆ka Plamínková (1875–1942), Czech Feminist and Patriot,” Nationalities Papers, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1997, pp. 1334.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. See, for example, Seliger, Maren and Ucakar, Karl, Wahlrecht und Wählerverhalten in Wien 1848–1932 (Vienna: Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, 1984), and Jan Havri̧nek, Praz̆atí volic̆i roku 1907, jejich tr̆ķdní sloz̆ení a politické smýs̆lení, Praz̆kż Sborník Historický, Vol. 12, 1980, pp. 170209.Google Scholar

18. The party's programs are detailed in Harna, Josef, ed., Politické programy c̆eského národního socialismu, 1897–1948 (Prague: Historický ústav, 1998).Google Scholar

19. On “first-wave feminism” see Bloom, Ida, “Feminism and Nationalism in the Early Twentieth Century: A Cross-Cultural Perspective,” Journal of Women's History, Vol. 7, No. 4, 1995, pp. 8283.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20. On the early connections between feminism and nationalism among the Czechs, see Soukupová, Blanka, “Die frühe tschechische Nationalbewegung und die Frauenfrage in Prag,” in Melinz, Gerhard and Zimmermann, Susan, eds, Wien, Prag, Budapest (Vienna: ProMedia, 1996), pp. 201209.Google Scholar

21. See, for example, the Wählerliste for the Moravian Landtag elections from 1896. According to this list, 20% of the voters in the great landowners curia were female. Moravský zemský Archiv v Brnĕ (MZA), A-11, Moravský Pakt folder.Google Scholar

22. Evans, Richard, The Feminists: Women's Emancipation Movements in Europe, America and Australasia 1840–1920 (London: Croom Helm, 1978), pp. 9698.Google Scholar

23. David-Fox, Katherine, “Czech Feminists and Nationalism in the Late Habsburg Monarchy: ‘The First in Austria',” Journal of Women's History, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1991, pp. 2645. Viková-Kunetická's life is surveyed briefly in Iveta Jusová, “Fin-de-Siècle Feminisms: The Development of Feminist Narratives within the Discourses of British Imperialism and Czech Nationalism,” doctoral dissertation, Miami University (Ohio), 2000, pp. 246–288.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24. David-Fox, op. cit., p. 27.Google Scholar

25. On Masaryk's work on behalf of women's issues, see Neudorfl, Marie L., “Masaryk and the Women's Question,” in Stanly B. Winters, ed., T.G. Masaryk (1850–1937), Vol. 1 (New York: St Martin's Press, 1990). See also Masaryk a z̆eny: sborník k 80. nározeninám prvního presidenta Republiky c̆eskoslovenské T.G. Masaryka (Prague: Z̆enská národní rada, 1930).Google Scholar

26. Maria Sophia Lengyel Cook and Robert Repetto, The Relevance of the Developing Countries to Demographic Transition Theory: Further Lessons from the Hungarian Experience,” Population Studies, Vol. 36, No.1, 1982, pp. 105128. My thanks to Maureen Tighe-Brown for bringing this article to my attention and for her insightful comments on an earlier draft of this essay.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

27. A typical example of National Socialist campaign literature in which such demands can be found is Co Chce C̆eská Státoprávní Demokracie? (Prague, 1907). ANM, Antonín Hajn Collection, Carton 119.Google Scholar

28. Because the largest and most important of these parties was the National Socialist Party, unless otherwise noted, radical nationalists refers to the members of this party.Google Scholar

29. Pr̆ípis pokrokového studentstva c̆eského mladoc̆eským poslancům na radĕ r̆ís̆ské, in Antonín Hajn, Výbor práce, Vol. 1 (Prague, 1912), p. 181. On the Progressives, see Karen Johnson Freeze, The Young Progressives: The Czech Student Movement, 1887–1897, Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1974; A. Pravoslav Veselý, Omladina a pokrokové hnutí (Prague, 1902); and Jan Havránek, Poc̆átky a kor̆eny pokrokového hnutí studentského na poc̆átku devadesátých let 19. století, in Acta Universitatis Carolinae Pragenisis 2, fasc. 1, 1961 pp. 5–33 and Protirakouské hnutí dĕlnické mládez̆e studentů a události roku 1893, ibid., fasc. 2, pp. 21–81.Google Scholar

30. A brief history of the party is Bruce Garver, Václav Klofác̆ and the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, in Morison, John, ed., The Czech and Slovak Experience (New York: St Martin's Press, 1992), pp. 102124.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

31. Simon Kolar̆ík, Politika Agrární, in Zdenĕk Tobolka and Karel Kramár̆, eds, C̆eská Politika, Vol. 4 (Prague: J. Laichter, 1911), pp. 3536.Google Scholar

32. Statistische Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, XIX (Berlin, 1898), p. 7. The Bohemian figures are from the Österreichisches Statistisches Handbuch für die im Reichsrathe vertretenen konigreiche und länder (Vienna, 1870–1913), hereafter referred to as ÖeS. Throughout this paper, “Bohemian lands” refers to all three provinces (the present-day territory of the Czech Republic) and “Bohemia” refers to only the largest of the three.Google Scholar

33. Kolar̆ík, “Politika Agrární,” p. 35. Figures include all nationalities in a province. Post-independence statistics can be found in Manuel Statistique de la République tchécoslovaque (Prague, Státní úrad statistický, 1925) and Aperçu Statistique de la République Tchécoslovaque (Prague, Státní úrad statistický, 1930).Google Scholar

34. Unless otherwise noted, all of the socioeconomic data used in the rest of this essay are derived from the imperial statistical reports in the ÖeS. For my research I have constructed a database that includes various demographic variables such as population by national group, birth and death rates, socioeconomic variables such as type of employment, literacy, savings deposits per capita, and electoral data such as votes for various parties, voter turnout, and so on, for the years 1880–1911. Those familiar with the electoral geometry of Austria after 1897 will know that the electoral districts and the administrative districts were not the same. Fortunately, the ÖeS reports provide the necessary information for disaggregating the electoral districts and reaggregating the voting data into the administrative districts. The data presented here have been put through this disaggregation/reaggregation process.Google Scholar

35. Derived from ÖeS. “Czech Bohemia” refers to those seventy-three administrative districts in which the vast majority (ninety-eight per cent) of Czechs lived.Google Scholar

36. Those interested in a concise and precise explanation of the strengths and weaknesses of ecological inference are referred to Jonathan Sperber's The Kaiser's Voters (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 132, 331–355. Other helpful sources on this methodology include: Laura Irwin Langbein and Allan Lichtman, Ecological Inference (Beverly Hills and London: Sage, 1978); J. Morgan Krousser, “Ecological Regression and the Analysis of Past Politics,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 4, 1973, pp. 237–262; Sten Berglund and Soren Risbjerg Thomsen, eds, Modern Political Ecological Analysis (Åbo: Åbo Adademis förlag, 1990); and J. Morgan Krousser's, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One Party South, 1880–1910 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1974).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

37. In this respect I am following in a long tradition of research on American populism, where similar methods have been used to explore the contexts within which populist politics developed, but not as the universal explanation for populist success or failure. See, for example, Turner, James, “Understanding the Populists, Journal of American History, Vol. 67, No. 2 1980, pp. 354373.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38. Derived from ÖeS. Radical Nationalists = National Socialists, States Rights Progressives, and Radical Progressives; Elite Nationalists = Young Czechs, Old Czechs, Moravian Peoples, and Realists.Google Scholar

39. German names are used in this table because those are the names used in the official statistical reports.Google Scholar

40. Derived from ÖeS. Excludes those employed in agriculture. Names in the table use spelling from the actual reports.Google Scholar

41. Derived from ÖeS.Google Scholar

42. C̆eské slovo, 11 March 1907.Google Scholar

43. Handbill in ANM, Hajn Collection, Carton 120, folder Volbý 1907.Google Scholar

44. Handbill in support of Karel Stanislav Sokol, contained in ANM, Hajn Collection, Carton 120, folder “Volbý 1907.”Google Scholar

45. MZA, B-26, 2205B, 12 April, 1897.Google Scholar

46. On this, see the previously mentioned electoral pamphlet, “Co Chce …,” and other similar ephemera from the 1907 election in ANM, Antonín Hajn Collection, Carton 120, folder “Volbý 1907.”Google Scholar

47. On these other nationalisms, see Jayawardena, Kumari, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (New Delhi: Kali, 1986), and Thomas Blom Hansen, “Controlled Emancipation: Women and Hindu Nationalism,” in Fiona Wilson and Bodil Folke Frederiksen, eds, Ethnicity, Gender and the Subversion of Nationalism (London: Frank Cass, 1995), pp. 8293.Google Scholar

48. For a more theoretical discussion of this issue in a wider context, see Farkas̆ová, Etela and Kiczková, Zuzana, “Feministiche Ansätze in der Diskussion über nationale Identität. Zur Grenzziehung in der ehemaligen Tschechoslowakei,” in Uremović, Olga and Oerter, Gundula, eds, Frauen zwischen Grenszen. Rassismus und Nationalismus in der feministischen Diskussion (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1994), pp. 129143.Google Scholar

49. See Zemínová, Kus Historie z̆enského hnutí. In this retrospective essay, she argues that from its earliest days the National Socialist Party did well where there were large populations of women working in older industries such as textiles and bookbinding.Google Scholar

50. See, for example, Starý-Chocen̆ský, Karel, “C̆tvrt stoleti …,” in 25 let práce c̆eskoslovenské strany socialistické, 1897–1922 (Prague: Melantrich, 1922), pp. 4046.Google Scholar