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Apollonia's East Fort and the Strategic Deployment of Cut-Down Bedrock for Defensive Walls

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2015

D. White
Affiliation:
University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology
G. R. H. Wright
Affiliation:
Domaine Bouchony, lie de la Barthelasse, Avignon

Abstract

Apollonia's East Fort, set on a promontory overlooking the sea east of the walled town, is part of a series of outlying fortresses guarding access to the port and Cyrene. Excavated by the University of Michigan in 1967, the fort is dated by coins and pottery to the second half of the fourth or first quarter of the third century BC. A striking design feature is its use of cut-down bedrock for the lower wall levels. The same technique is employed for Cyrene's Hellenistic defensive curtain north of the Caravanserai and later in the construction of Roman-period Gasr el-Haneia. It is furthermore utilised in a fairly broad range of tombs and cultic monuments throughout the province. Traceable as far back as the Neolithic period, rupestrian architecture first appears in Egypt by the Middle Kingdom. Between c. 1000 and 500 BC it spreads from thence to Syro-Palestine, western Asia Minor, Urartu and eventually as far east as India. Rather than owing its deployment in Cyrenaica to the building traditions of Egypt, it is more likely the result of the region's second wave of colonists arriving from Asia Minor c. 580 BC, given that Cyrene's Archaic rock-cut tombs bear comparison with the contemporary tomb architecture of SW Turkey.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Society for Libyan Studies 1998

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References

Notes

1. A preliminary report was not filed for this season and the results were instead incorporated into the various chapters making up the final report: Goodchild, R. G., Pedley, J. G. and White, D., Supplements to Libya Antiqua IV: Apollonia, the Port of Cyrene. Excavations by the University of Michigan 1965-1967 (Tripoli n.d.)Google Scholar, referred to henceforth as Apollonia. The monograph has become something of a rarity because most copies were ruined by a flood in the storage rooms of the Libyan Department of Antiquities in Tripoli.

2. For these see White, D., ‘The city defenses of Apollonia’, Apollonia: 134–38, figs 18-19Google Scholar. For further discussion see White, D., ‘Static versus reactive defense: an in-progress case study of the Apollonia and Cyrene fortifications’, La Cirenaica in Età Antica, Atti dei Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Macerata (1998): 579612Google Scholar, referred to henceforward as White, Macerala.

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36. Polybius, X, 44-47, makes it clear that the military application of heliographic signalling was in its infancy when Aeneas Tacitus wrote his treatise on strategy in the mid fourth century BC and was still undergoing modification during his own day in the second century BC.

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44. It could also represent a constructional feature that has been simply overlooked, and only time will tell if other examples are to be reported elsewhere.

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58. The so-called ‘Terme di Paride’. Stucchi, , Architettura Cirenaica: 478-80, figs 493–94Google Scholar. Late antique troglodytic dwellings that make use of earlier tombs add nothing to this discussion but see Stucchi, ibid: 501, 511, 533.

59. Supra n. 28.

60. For the basic references see Stucchi, , Architettura Cirenaica: 521–22, n. 1, fig. 545Google Scholar.

61. Goodchild (supra n. 44): 131-44, pi. ii, figs 2-5.

62. Ain Mara, whose protective outer ditch has chambers cut into its four outer faces: Goodchild (supra n. 11): 199. Gasr esh-Shahdan: ibid: 201-02. Gasr B, Beida: Stucchi, , Architettura Cirenaica: 522, 526Google Scholar. Stucchi, S., ‘Attività della Missione Archeologica Italiana a Cirene’, Quaderni di archeologia della Libia 8 (1976): 476–78, fig. 15Google Scholar.

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64. Apparently a feature present in many of the later fortified blockhouses along the Tripolitanian limes. See Goodchild, R. G., ‘The limes Tripolitanus II’, Journal of Roman Studies 40 (1950): 43, fig. 10Google Scholar. Also present in Cyrenaican examples such as Sidi el-Chadri and Gasr el-Mnechrat for which see R. G. Goodchild (supra n. 11): 205, fig. 65. Stucchi, , Architettura Cirenaica: 518–19, figs 541–42Google Scholar.

65. As a military term, blockhouse seems to carry a more specific meaning in American than in English usage. For example, Webster's Encyclopedic Dictionary (Chicago, 1941)Google Scholar defines it as ‘a strong building of one or more stories, so named because chiefly constructed of logs or beams of timber, having loopholes for musketry.’ Substitute ‘stone’ for ‘logs’ and ‘archery’ for ‘musketry’ and it describes, albeit anachronistically, more or less what we are dealing with here.

66. Goodchild, R. G., ‘Boreum of Cyrenaica’, Libyan Studies ( = Journal of Roman Studies 41, 1951) 189Google Scholar. See also Roques, D., ‘Procope de Césarée et la Cyrénaïque’, Libyan Studies 25 (1994): 261, 263Google Scholar.

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68. Goodchild ibid: 158.

69. ‘The Roman and Byzantine forts of Cyrenaica are extremely small, most of them hardly 20 m square and few more than 50 m.’ Goodchild (supra n. 65): 190. The following relevant pre-Byzantine examples compare with Apollonia's East fort (17.3 × 22.4 m) as follows: Fort E. of Ras el-Aali, 35 × 32 m; Automalax, 16 × 16 m; Boreum (est.) 20 × 18 m; Roman watch lower, Gasr Ushish, 15×13 m; Zauiet Msus tower, 7.5 × 6 m; Gasr Esh-Shahden, phase 1, 14 × 14 m.

70. Goodchild (supra n.63): 40-43, figs 8, 9, 10.

71. Gregory (supra n. 39): 160 ff.

72. Goodchild (supra n.66): 166.

73. Goodchild (supra n. 11): 201-02, fig. 63.

74. See above n. 61.

75. The fort's knoll has no natural source of water. A protected interior cistern makes better sense for a fort than an external water source which could have been tampered with by sporadic raiders. Obviously the fort was not designed to withstand a formal siege. For an interior cistern elsewhere cf. the Tripolitanian fortified farm at Henscir Salamat. Goodchild, R. G., ‘Roman Sites on the Tarhuna Plateau of Tripolitania’, Libyan Studies ( = Papers of the British School at Rome 19, 1951): 89, fig. 36Google Scholar.

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77. Dates that again await verification through excavation.

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79. Goodchild (supra n. 11): 203, pl. 74. Stucchi, , Architettura Cirenaica: 528, fig. 552Google Scholar.

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81. Goodchild, R. G. and Ward-Perkins, J. B., ‘The “Limes Tripolitanus” in the light of recent discoveries’, Libyan Studies ( = Journal of Roman Studies 39, 1949): 2427, fig. 5Google Scholar.

82. Goodchild (supra n. 63): fig. 10; 41-42.

83. Goodchild (supra n. 63): 42, fig. 10, pls. 15, 21.

84. Stucchi, , Architettura: 513 ff.Google Scholar, initiated the idea that the upland gsur on the Cyrenaican plateau are better interpreted as farmhouses than isolated military strongholds, an idea that I find not entirely convincing. See White, D., The Art Bulletin 59 (1977): 626Google Scholar. I am grateful, however, to one of my readers for drawing my attention to this issue. That the Apollonia fort can have nothing to do with farming is apparent to anyone who has walked over the broken, rocky ground to its south which remained sea-bed until the end of the Pleistocene period. Unlike the coastal plain directly south of Apollonia, which possesses a fairly deep soil cover and was used until recently for producing wheat, the coastal plain behind the fort back to the Pleistocene beach and nearly to the foot of the gebel can only sustain a ground cover of maquis and is useless for farming, although for all I know it may be covered with housing today since I have not visited the area for many years. Its early date, strategic location, and design all argue for a military identity.

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86. Lawrence, , Aims: 194–97, 463, pls. 18, 19, 30Google Scholar.

87. I wish to thank the editor for allowing me to adopt this format while at the same time make sure that neither he nor my co-author be held accountable for any deficiencies that may occur as a result.

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