1 Darwin, Charles, The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex (London, 1871), extracts in Music in European Thought 1851–1912, ed Bojan Bujić (Cambridge, 1988), 315–19 (p 319).Google Scholar

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7 See Showalter, Elaine, The Female Malady Women, Madness and English Culture 1830–1980 (London, 1987), 51–73Google Scholar

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12 See Bennett, Daphne, Emily Davies and the Liberation of Women 1830–1921 (London, 1990), 157 Elizabeth Garrett had passed the examination set by the Society of Apothecaries in 1862, and fought successfully to be put on the Medical Register, therefore, she was able to challenge these ideas as a doctor Her friend Emily Davies was a pioneer in the cause of women's education, and founded Girton, Cambridge's first college for the higher education of women, in 1873Google Scholar

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18 See The Winnington Letters, ed Van Akin Burd (London, 1969), 528–9 This incident was cited by Sara M Dodd in ‘Ruskin and Women's Education’, an unpublished paper given at the Association of Art Historians Conference (April 1988)Google Scholar

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22 Evidence (Part 1) Before the Commissioners on the Revenues and Management of Certain Colleges and Schools, 1864, British Parliamentary Papers: Education General, 11 (Shannon, 1969), 228.Google Scholar

23 Ibid., 153Google Scholar

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25 Aristotle, The Politics, Book VIII, trans Thomas Alan Sinclair (Harmondsworth, 1962), 311Google Scholar

26 From an interview article on Walter Macfarren in The Musical Times, Jan. 1898, quoted in Percy A Scholes, The Mirror of Music 1844–1944, ii (London, 1947), 625Google Scholar

27 See anon., ‘The Military School of Music, Kneller Hall’, The New Penny Magazme, 1 (1899), 695–8Google Scholar

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29 Reproduced in Richard Leppert, The Sight of Sound Music, Representation, and the History of the Body (Berkeley, 1993). In this work, Leppert spends much time demonstrating that, for the Victorian, music = woman, particularly in the section ‘Music and the Crisis of the Phallus’ in the last chapter, ‘Aspiring to the Condition of Silence (The Icomcity of Music)‘Google Scholar

30 Schumann, Robert, Schumann on Music and Musicians, trans Paul Rosenfeld (New York, 1946), 116–17.Google Scholar

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35 See the remarks on this movement in McClary, Femmine Endmgs, 69 ‘it is the lovely, “feminine” tune with which we are encouraged to identify and which is brutally, tragically quashed in accordance with the destiny predetermined by the “disinterested” conventions of the form‘Google Scholar

36 Maudsley, ‘Sex in Mind and in Education’, 468Google Scholar

37 Niecks, ‘Franz Schubert’, 19.Google Scholar

38 ‘Artiste’, letter to The Monthly Musical Record, 7 (1877), 108 ³⁹ IbidGoogle Scholar

40 Fanny Raymond Ritter, ‘Music, and Woman as a Musician’, The Victoria Magazine, 28 (1877), 195–205 (p 198)Google Scholar

41 It was originally given as a paper for the Centennial Congress of the Association for the Advancement of Women (Philadelphia), and brought out as a pamphlet, Woman as a Musician An Art-Historical Study, in 1876Google Scholar

42 Niecks, Frederick, ‘Excerpts from the Diary of a Musician in Search of the True and Beautiful’, The Monthly Musical Record, 8 (1878), 179–80Google Scholar

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44 Stephen S Stratton, ‘Women in Relation to Musical Art’, Proceedings of the Musical Association, 9 (1833), 115–32 (p 131)Google Scholar

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47 Eustace J. Breakspear, ‘The Works of Chopin in their Relationship to Art’, The Monthly Musical Record, 5 (1875), 2–4 (p 4)Google Scholar

48 Huneker, James, Chopin The Man and His Music (New York, 1900, repr 1966), 142, cited in Jeffrey Kallberg, ‘Genre and Gender The Nocturne and Women's History’, unpublished paper (Graduate Centre, CUNY, April 1989) Quoted in McClary, Feminine Endings, 103Google Scholar

49 See Showalter, , The Female Malady, 127–37Google Scholar

50 Thomas Carlyle,‘The Hero as Poet Dante, Shakespeare‘(1840), repr in English Critical Essays (Nineteenth Century), ed Edmund D Jones (London, 1916), 254–99 (p 261)Google Scholar

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53 Burke, Edmund, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful (London, 1757), extracts in Music and Aesthetics in the Eighteenth and Early-Nineteenth Centuries, ed Peter le Huray and James Day (Cambridge, 1981), 69–74 (pp 70–1)Google Scholar

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56 See Crotch, William, Substance of Several Courses of Lectures on Music (London, 1831), extracts in Music and Aesthetics, ed le Huray and Day, 427–42 (pp. 429–35)Google Scholar

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58 IbidGoogle Scholar

59 IbidGoogle Scholar

60 Ibid., 433.Google Scholar

61 Ibid., 434.Google Scholar

62 EP [Ebenezer Prout?], The Beautiful in Music', The Monthly Musical Record, 1 (1871), 87–9 (P 88)Google Scholar

63 For further information on nineteenth-century women ballad composers, see Hyde, Derek, New Found Voices Women in Nineteenth Century English Music (London, 1984), Derek B Scott, The Singing Bourgeois Songs of the Victorian Drawing Room and Parlour (Milton Keynes and Philadelphia, 1989), and Judith Tick, American Women Composers before 1870 (Ann Arbor, 1983)Google Scholar

64 Virginia Gabriel was to some extent an exception, since she sometimes used tonic minor for a verse section and tonic major for a refrainGoogle Scholar

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66 Ibid., 73Google Scholar

67 Ibid, 74Google Scholar

68 Charlotte Alington Barnard, née Pye (1830–69) moved from Louth (Lincolnshire) to London after her marriage, studied for a short time with the piano virtuoso W H Holmes, and took singing lessons from some of the finest singers of the day, such as Charlotte Sainton-Dolby (who helped promote her songs). She was the most commercially successful of ballad composers in the 1860s. For further information, see Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 72–7Google Scholar

69 Little is known of the private life of Miss M. Lindsay, who sometimes adds her married name, Mrs J. Worthington Bliss, in parenthesis. In the early 1850s she became the first woman to make a commercial success of composing music to poetry by others (it was more usual at that time for women songwriters to set their own verse, if they composed music at all) Her songs were tailored to the requirements of amateur music-making in the home She was one of the two most popular composers in the song catalogue of Robert Cocks & Co in the 1860s (the other was the prolific Franz Abt) See Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 66–8Google Scholar

70 Ellen Dickson (1819–78) was the daughter of General Alex Dickson, and spent most of her life as an invalid at Lyndhurst in the New Forest She began to make her reputation as a ballad composer in the 1850s, about the same time as Miss M Lindsay The accompaniments to her songs are often characterized by unusual permutations of broken chord patterns and delicate use of grace notes See Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 68–9Google Scholar

71 Caroline Norton (1808–77) was a granddaughter of the playwright Richard Brinsley Sheridan and Elizabeth Sheridan, née Linley, the celebrated English soprano In the 1840s, when most women composers chose to remain anonymous, she allowed the publication of her songs to reveal her identity, thus setting an example for other women to emulate She endured a stormy relationship with her politician husband, and her career as a poet and songwriter was often interrupted by her campaigning (for example, for the Infant Custody Bill in the late 1830s and the Married Women's Property Bill in the 1850s). See Acland, Alice, Caroline Norton (London, 1948), and Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 65–6Google Scholar

72 Felicia Hemans was an influential Figure with her collection of songs entitled Peninsular Melodies (published by Goulding & D'Almaine), and it is significant that some of her songs with music composed by her sister, Harriet Browne, were published by Willis in about 1830 ‘with an accompaniment for the Spanish guitar’ by C M Sola.Google Scholar

73 See Scott, , The Singing Bourgeois, 106Google Scholar

74 Helen Blackwood, née Sheridan (1807–67), moved to Ireland when her husband succeeded his father as Baron Dufferin in 1839 In songs like Terence's Farewell (1848), which make use of traditional airs, she writes words in a quasi-Irish vernacular She published anonymously at first, but her identity began to be known in the 1850sGoogle Scholar

75 See also Scott, Derek B, ‘Sexuality and Musical Style from Monteverdi to Mae West’, The Last Post Music after Modernism, ed Simon Miller (Manchester, 1993), 132–49Google Scholar

76 A woman who wrote ‘masculine’ music invited, of course, the kind of criticism discussed earlier that was hurled at Alice Mary Smith She was certain to be labelled a mere musical male impersonator and accused of being untrue to her ‘nature‘Google Scholar

77 Virginia Gabriel (1825–77) studied piano with the distinguished teachers Pixis, Dohler and Thalberg, and studied composition with Molique and Mercadante Her output was varied (it included cantatas and stage works), but it was for her ballads that she was best known Her skill in composition helped to raise the status of the woman ballad composer, and she was still being spoken of with approval by Bernard Shaw later in the centuryGoogle Scholar

78 Maud Valérie White (1855–1937) studied at the Royal Academy of Music, and in 1879 became the first woman to win the Mendelssohn Scholarship Her output, for the most part, consisted of drawing-room ballads which are distinguished for their lyricism, imaginative harmony and skilfully crafted accompaniments See Fuller, Sophie, ‘Unearthing a World of Music Victorian and Edwardian Women Composers’, Women A Cultural Review, 3 (1992), 16–22Google Scholar

79 Christian Friedrich Michaelis in the Berlinische musikalische Zeitung, extracts in Music and Aesthetics, 1805; ed le Huray and Day, 296–92 (p. 289).Google Scholar

80 Wagner, Richard, ‘Beethoven’ (1870), extracts, trans Martin Cooper, in Music in European Thought, ed Bujić, 65–75 (p 68)Google Scholar

81 E T A Hoffmann, ‘Beethovens Instrument-Musik’ (1813), see Strunk, Oliver, Source Readings in Music History From Classical Antiquity to the Romantic Era (London, 1952), 775–81 (p 778)Google Scholar

82 The ‘new woman’ demanded an active participatory role in society and was prepared to challenge conventional expectations The Westminster Review noted with an air of revelation in 1884, ‘wifehood and motherhood are incidental parts, which may or may not enter into the life of each woman’ (January 1884, p 153)Google Scholar

83 See Eagleton, , The Ideology of the Aesthetic, 167, Music and Aesthetics, ed le Huray and Day, 324–5, and Stratton, ‘Woman in Relation to Musical Art’, 115–16, 131Google Scholar

84 See Tick, , ‘Passed Away is the Piano Girl’, 333–4Google Scholar

85 Hanslick, Eduard, Vom Musikalisch-Schonen (Leipzig, 1854, rev edn 1858), extracts, trans Martin Cooper, in Music in European Thought, ed Bujić, 11–39 (p 16)Google Scholar

86 Kant, Immanuel, Kirtic der Urteilskraft (Berlin, 1790), section 23, extracts in Music and Aesthetics, ed le Huray and Day, 214–29 (p 223).Google Scholar

87 Music in European Thought, ed Bujić, 20Google Scholar

88 Nietzsche, Friedrich, Der Fall Wagner (Leipzig, 1888), extracts, trans Walter Kaufmann, ibid., 103–7 (p. 103)Google Scholar

89 Burke, A Philosophical Enquiry, see Music and Aesthetics, ed le Huray and Day, 74Google Scholar

90 See M, ‘Upon the Philosophy of Art’, Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review, 2 (1820), repr in Music and Aesthetics, ed le Huray and Day, 331–8 (p 338)Google Scholar

91 Webb, Daniel, Observations on the Correspondence between Poetry and Music (London, 1769), extracts ibid., 118–19 (p 118)Google Scholar

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93 Letter reproduced in Richard Terry, On Music's Borders (London, 1927), 54Google Scholar

94 Suzanne Raitt speaks of Smyth as being ‘openly bisexual’, see ‘The Singers of Sargent Mabel Batten, Elsie Swinton, Ethel Smyth’, Women A Cultural Review, 3(1992), 23–9 (pp 23, 27–9) In a paper entitled ‘Sapphonics Desire in a Different Voice’ (given at the International Music and Gender Conference, King's College, London, 7 July 1991) Elizabeth Wood argued that a distinct lesbian voice can sometimes be heard in Smyth's musicGoogle Scholar

95 50 years earlier, Haweis had devoted time to illustrating the theory (not new even then) that women were artistic ‘not in a creative, but in a receptive sense’ in section 37, Women and Music', of Music and Morals (London, 1871, repr 1912), 102Google Scholar

96 Swinburne, J, ‘Women and Music’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 46 (1919–20), 21–34 (p 23) See Tick, ‘Passed Away is the Piano Girl’, for a similar double bind the small ‘feminine’ forms show inadequate breadth of imagination, but writing in larger forms is a betrayal of sexual identityCrossRefGoogle Scholar

97 Paglia, Camille, Sexual Personae Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson (Harmondsworth, 1990), 247 Paglia's confidence in the absence of female serial killers must have been shaken the year after this book was published, when Aileen Wuornos confessed to the murders of seven men in FloridaGoogle Scholar