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A Populist Precursor: Guillermo Billinghurst

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Peter Blanchard
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Extract

The term ‘populism’ has been used to describe many of the popular movements that have appeared in Latin America in recent decades. It is an ‘imprecise term’, to use the words of Professor Skidmore, and the large number of definitions available, indicates how imprecise the term, in fact, has become. Definitions of a universal nature are of limited use, for populism seems to vary according to geographical region: the North American populist differs from the Russian populist, who differs from the African populist, who differs from the Latin American populist, and so on. Even when dealing with the specific area of Latin America there is no consistency. Writers disagree on whether Latin American populists are Left- or Right- Wing, anti- or pro-status quo, reformists or opportunists, rigid or flexible with regard to ideology.

Type
Articles
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 9 , Issue 2 , November 1977 , pp. 251 - 273
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1977

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References

1 Skidmore, T. E., Politics in Brazil, 1930–1964: An Experiment in Democracy (New York, 1967), p. 67.Google Scholar

2 For some idea of the wide diversity of opinions regarding populism in Latin America, see Torcuato di Tella, ‘Populism and Reform in Latin America’ in Véliz, Claudio (ed.), Obstacles to Change in Latin America (New York, 1965);Google Scholar Alistair Hennessy, ‘Latin America’ in Jonescu, Ghita & Geilner, Ernest (eds.), Populism: Its Meaning and National Characteristics (London, 1969), also part II;Google ScholarVan Niekerk, A. E., Populisme en politieke ontwikkeling in Latijns Amerika (Rotterdam, 1972), Appendix C;Google ScholarSulmont, Denis, El Movimiento Obrero en e1 Perú, 1900–1956 (Lima, 1975), pp. 228–30.Google Scholar

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10 Ibid., XII, 219–222; El Comercio (Lima), 7b Jan., 26 May 1910. During this period the two main daily newspapers of Lima, El Comcrcio and La Prensa, printed two different editions per day. On special occasions they would print even more and for the purpose of differentiation I have labelled them a, b, c, d.

11 C. des Graz to Grey, No. 44, 24 Mar. 1912, Public Record Office, London, U.K. (hereafter cited as PRO), F.O. 371/1458.Google Scholar

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23 Ibid., 20a May 1912.

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25 Ibid., 25b–26b May 1912; Des Graz to Grey, No. 74, I June 1912, PRO, FO 371/1459.

26 La Prensa, 3a Aug. 1912.Google Scholar

27 The business community was certainly aware of how this dependence might affect their profits. See the letter from George W. Guthrie to H. C. Williamson, No. 146, 19 Aug. 1952, Balfour Williamson and Company, London, U.K., H. C. R. Williamson Letters Received, 25 Dec. 1909–1928 Dec. 1914.Google Scholar

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33 According to the workers' version, they had already forced their employers to accept their demands and the decree merely recognized this fact. See Basadre, , Hictoria de la República del Perú, 12, 486.Google ScholarThe above version is from La Acción Popular, 6 Dec. 1912; La Prensa, 5b, 9a, 23b Dec. 1912, 5a–11a, Jan. 1913; La Protesta (Lima), 20, Apr. 1953;Google ScholarPedro, Parra V., Bautismo de Fuego del Proletariado Peruano (Lima, 1969), pp. 47–9, 54–9.Google Scholar

34 La Protesta, 29[sic], Jan. 1913.Google Scholar

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36 Ibid. Billinghurst could not intervene in the other strikes in the same way as the harbour workers' strike. The latter's working conditions were set by government regulation which allowed Billinghurst to act. The other strikers, however, had to negotiate with their respective employers, El Callao (Callao), 10 Jan. 1913.

37 Basadre, Historia de la República del Perú, XII, 245–6.Google Scholar

38 La Prensa, 29 July 1913.Google Scholar

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43 Ibid., 19a, 23b, 24b–26a July, 4 Aug., 7 Sept., 21b Oct. 1913; La Protesta, 30 June 1913; Basadre, , Historia de la República del Perú, 12, 241–2;Google ScholarLaos, Cipriano A., Lima ‘La Ciudad de los Virreycs’ (El Libro Peruano) (Lima, 1927), pp. 271–2.Google Scholar

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46 Eulogio Otazú created something of an international incident during his visit. In Santiago local anarchists disrupted a meeting and insisted that he be allowed to speak and in Valparaiso he participated in a strike. For this he was arrested by the Chilean authorities and sent back to Peru. See La Prensa, 23b Sept., 14b Nov. 1913; La Protesta, 24 Aug. 1913, 25, Sept. 1913, 26, Oct. 1913, 27, Nov. 1913.Google Scholar

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59 Ramón to Antero Aspíllaga, I Dec. 1913, Centro de Documentación Agraria, Lima, Cayaltí Papers, Cartas Reservadas, Lima-Cayaltí, Oct. 1913–Apr. 1914 (hereafter cited as CDAC).Google Scholar

60 Des Graz to Grey, No. 143, I Dec. 1913, PRO, FO 371/2081; Alberto Ulloa y Cisneros, Escriros Históricos (Buenos Aires, 1946), pp. 324–9.Google Scholar

61 Des Graz to Grey, No. 8, Jan. 1914, PRO, FO 371/2082. According to Basadre the loan amounted to only 200,000 Peruvian pounds.Google Scholar See Hisioria de la Rcpública del Perú, 12, 266–7.Google Scholar

62 Des Graz to Grey, No. 6, Jan. 1914, PRO, FO 371/2082.Google Scholar

63 El Comercio, 30a Jan., 2b Feb. 1914.Google Scholar

64 Ulloa, Escritos Históricos, pp. 319–78.Google Scholar

65 La Nación, (Lima), 28 Jan. 1914.Google Scholar

66 For details of the popular response, see La Nación, 26–31 Jan. 1914; El Pueblo (Arequipa), 24–26, 30 Jan. 1914; El Deber (Arequipa), 26 Jan. 1914.Google Scholar

67 The West Coast Leader (Lima), 29 Jan. 1954.Google Scholar

68 Ibid.

69 Basadre, Historia de la República del Perú, XII, 283–4; Ulloa, Escritos Históricos, pp. 329–31.Google Scholar

70 Peru To-day (Lima), Jan. 1914; Basadre, Historia de la República del Perá, XII, 287–8.Google Scholar

71 The West Coast Leader, 5 Feb. 1914; Basadre, Historia de la República del Perú, XII, 290–5.Google Scholar

72 Basadre, Historia de la República del Perú, XII, 285.Google Scholar

73 La Prensa, 4d, 7a Feb. 1914. Bihinghurst subsequently denied that he had any intention of dissolving parliament.Google Scholar See Billinghurst, Guillermo E., El Presidente Billinghurst a la Nación. Primera Parte (Santiago de Chile, 1915), p. 3.Google Scholar

74 The acting British minister believed that Benavides' main concern was to protect the constitution. See G. Wilson to Grey, No. 20, 9 Feb. 1914, PRO, FO 371/2081.Google Scholar

75 The representative of the Peruvian Corporation described Billinghurst as a ‘villain’ and fully supported the coup. See Ramón to Antero Aspíllaga, 9 Feb. 1914, CDAC.Google Scholar

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77 Prado was a member of one of Peru's most famous and wealthy families. He had been a university professor, diplomat, and cabinet minister but appeared to have only a passing interest in local politics. See Parker, William B., Peruvians of To-day (Lima, 1919), pp. 11–14. However, two of his brothers, Manuel and Jorge, had been involved personally in the coup and another brother, Mariano, was manager of the Empresas Eléctricas Asociadas whose workers had been involved in the labour troubles during the latter part of 1913.Google Scholar

78 Billinghurst, El Presidente Billinghurst a la Nación, p. 78.Google Scholar

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81 From 748,231 Peruvian pounds in 1912, including both ordinary and extraordinary expenditures, to 925,534 in 1913. See Perú, Presupuesto General para 1912 (Lima, 1912) and Presupuesto General 1913 (Lima, 1912). Billinghurst claimed that his government was unmatched in its desire to obtain equipment for the armed forces. El Presidente Billinghurst a la Nación, p. 22.Google Scholar

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87 Wilson to Grey, No. 20, 9 Feb. 1914, PRO, FO 371/2081.Google Scholar

88 See the advertisements run by Luis Miró Quesada and Jorge Prado during the 1917 congressional election campaign listing the names of their supporters among the workers' societies. El Comercio, 12a, 19 May 1917.Google Scholar

89 For the events of 1919, See Blanchard, ‘The Peruvian Working Class Movement’, ch. 10.Google Scholar

90 Billinghurst, El Presidente Billinghurst a la Nación, p. 94.Google Scholar

91 La Prensa, I July 1915, 26b Oct. 1916.Google Scholar